SIGHTINGS

SIGHTINGS

The Elkhorn Document - A Stunning Revisionist View of History PART II

THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER

"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in essence, is fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling power.

"Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in history is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1)

As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance during World War II was the result of substantial American investment in post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these investments, and the accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational corporations remained an important part of the Nazi war machine until the final defeat of Germany in 1945. What effect did the end of World War II have on this faction of American Nazi collaborators?

In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from recently de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather than facing charges of high treason, became an integral part of the United States national security apparatus, extending its fascist influence in both foreign and domestic policies and, in effect, creating what has been referred to as America's "Invisible Government." The excuse, of course, was Communism.

THE BUGGING OF WALL STREET

Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers' pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death, former Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an interview. Justice Goldberg had served in U.S. intelligence during World War II. Although he said little in public, he had collected information on the Dulles boys' activities over the years. His verdict was blunt. 'The Dulles brothers were traitors.' They had betrayed their country, by giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war." (2)

Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles brothers and other American Nazi collaborators in banking and industry came as a result of a top-secret joint U.S.-British intelligence program known as the Ultra Project. "Prior to the United States' entry into the war," write Loftus and Aarons, "Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to wiretap American targets.

"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the area of coverage included a good bit of the New York financial district, several floors of Rockefeller Plaza, part of the RCA Building, two prominent clubs, and various shipping firms. . . .

"The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian electronics genius better known by his code name, 'Intrepid.' From his headquarters in the Rockefeller building, Stephenson's job was to identify U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis." (3)

"Several months before the United States declared war," continue Loftus and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen Dulles to head up the New York branch of the Office of the Coordinator of Information (COI), President Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the precursor to the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). Its primary mission was to collect information against the Nazis and their collaborators. In other words, Dulles was asked to inform on his own clients in New York. . . ."

"Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI Manhattan branch because he wanted Dulles where the British wiretappers could keep an eye on him. . . .

"One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop. Inside Dulles's operation was one of Roosevelt's spies, Arthur Goldberg . . ." who, "confirmed . . . that Dulles's appointment was a setup. . . .

"Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang himself. From Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is known that Dulles was continuing to work with his German business clients, who wanted to remove Hitler and install a puppet of their own who would make peace with the West while forging an alliance against Stalin. It was to be a kinder, gentler Third Reich, favorably disposed to American financial interests. . . . (4)

"The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was collected by a special section of Operation Safehaven, the U.S. Treasury Department's effort to trace the movement of stolen Nazi booty towards the end of the war. Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry Morganthau had set up Dulles by giving him the one assignment - intelligence chief in Switzerland - where he would be most tempted to aid his German clients with their money laundering."

Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the Safehaven intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason charges against those British and American businessmen who aided the enemy in time of war." Among the targets were Allen Dulles, Henry Ford, and other U.S. industrialists. (5)

The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . . that he was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One possible source of the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who constantly shared information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss minister in Washington during the war."

"Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret meetings with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was that, at the time, the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss secret service."

It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace during the 1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman as his new running mate. (6)

THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY

"After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write Loftus and Aarons, "various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing side and made plans to evacuate their wealth. The Peron government in Argentina was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms, and Dulles helped it hide the money. . . .

"The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing Reichsbank treasure [estimated at $2.5 billion dollars] as the greatest unsolved bank robbery in history. Where did it go? . . . .

"According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply shipped a very short distance across Austria and through the Brenner Pass into Italy. Dulles's contacts were waiting at the Vatican. The German-Vatican connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi industrialists planned to get away with it. . . ." (7)

The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state that the "vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which "disappeared before the end of World War II" reappeared "within a decade in the hands of the same men who financed Hitler's war against the Jews. Allen Dulles's clients were not defeated, only inconvenienced." The authors identify two of Dulles's accomplices as James Jesus Angleton and his father, Hugh Angleton. The Angletons were members of X-2, the OSS counterintelligence branch in Italy, in 1943.

Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis powers. He was the European representative for National Cash Register in Italy before the war and business associate of Dulles. When World War II broke out, the authors write,

". . . Angleton was crushed financially as all his investments were in enemy hands.

"Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back. Like Dulles, Hugh offered his services to the OSS." With high-placed contacts in Mussolini's Interior Ministry, Hugh was accepted and "promoted rapidly in U.S. intelligence. He became second in command to Colonel Clifton Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of World War II." (8)

Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging with the release of recently declassified documents concerning World War II, is the role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war German investments, and its role in helping Nazi war criminals escape justice after the war. Concerning the Vatican-German investments, Loftus and Aarons are quite clear:

"That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even donated money to Hitler himself cannot be denied. A German nun, Sister Pascalina, was present at its creation. In the early 1920s she was the housekeeper for Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection . . . Eugenio Pacelli, then the papal nuncio in Munich. Sister Pascalina vividly recalls receiving Adolf Hitler late one night and watching the archbishop give Hitler a large amount of Church money."

In addition, Eugenio Pacelli

"later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of dollars in the rising German economy, money from the Vatican's land settlement that ended the Pope's claim of sovereignty over territory outside the walls of Vatican City. It was Pacelli who negotiated the Concordat with Germany and then had to deal with the consequences of his own mistakes when he became pope on the eve of World War II.

"The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same problem. Once their money was in Hitler's hands, how would they get it back?"

The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military Intelligence who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed that only a tiny portion of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually reached the Vatican Bank, while the rest was held in cooperative banks in Belgium, Liechtenstein, and especially Switzerland." It was only necessary to transfer the paperwork on the gold, not the gold itself. Since, by that time, Dulles knew his telegraph communications were being monitored by the British wiretap operation in New York, he instead used couriers to "ensure absolute secrecy in moving the foreign currency and the ownership documents out of Switzerland . . . special agents of the Vatican who had diplomatic immunity to move back and forth across both Nazi and Allied lines. . . ." (9)

". . . . The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan intelligence, the Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav Draganovic, was involved in transporting large quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold bullion, from Austria to the safety of the Holy See with the help of the Dulles-Angleton clique in Rome. Some of the booty was transported in truck convoys run by British troops. Other shipments were carried in U.S. Army jeeps provided to Father Draganovic so that he could conduct pastoral visits' on behalf of the Vatican.

"Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian bishop Gregory Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of Dulles's friends in U.S. intelligence. Declassified U.S. intelligence files confirm that Bishop Rozman was suspected of trying to arrange the transfer of huge quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency that had been discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during the war. For a few months the Allies prevented Rozman from gaining access to this treasure, but then the way was mysteriously cleared. In fact, the Dulles-Vatican connection had fixed it, and before too long the bishop obtained the loot for his Nazi friends, who were hiding in Argentina.

"Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the iceberg. It has long been acknowledged that it was Allen Dulles who tipped off General Patton about the buried German treasure that lay in the path of the U.S. Third Army. Patton explicitly urged General Eisenhower to conceal as much of the gold as possible, but his advice was refused.

"Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues exerted a great deal of influence to ensure that Western investments in Nazi Germany were not seized by the Allies as reparations for the Jews. After all, much of 'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the bankers in London and New York. The . . . captured Nazi loot went underground. . . .

"In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own investments in Germany, the Vatican agreed to become part of Dulles's smuggling window, through which the Nazis and their treasure could be moved to safety." (10)

On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President. May 7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf Hitler. September 2nd, Japan surrendered.

World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than 35,000,000 lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll for the United States was 294,000. (11)

A Pledge Betrayed

Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar service with the government not out of patriotism but of necessity," according to Loftus and Aarons. "They had to be in positions of power to suppress the evidence of their own dealings with the Nazis. The Safehaven investigation was quickly stripped from Treasury . . . and turned over to the State Department. There Dulles's friends shredded the index to the interlocking corporations and blocked further investigations.

"Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American businessman was ever going to be convicted of treason for helping the Nazis. None ever was, despite the evidence. According to one of our sources in the intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps had two large 'Civilian Internment Centers' in Occupied Germany, code named 'Ashcan' and 'Dustbin.' The CIC had identified and captured a large number of U.S. citizens who had stayed in Germany and aided the Third Reich all through World War II. The evidence of their treason was overwhelming. The captured German records were horribly incriminating.

"Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department attorney responsible for preparing the treason trials, suddenly ordered the prisoners' release. All of the Nazi collaborators were allowed to return to the United States and reclaim their citizenship. At the same time, another Justice Department attorney, O. John Rogge, who dared to make a speech about Nazi collaborators in the United States was quickly fired. However, the attorney who buried the treason cases was later promoted to special assistant attorney general.

"Dulles and his clients had won. The proof is in the bottom line. Forty years after World War II, Fortune magazine published a list of the hundred richest men in the world. There were no Jews on the list. The great fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been diminished to insignificance by the Depression, the Nazis, and World War II.

"Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires who had been prominent members of Hitler's inner circle. A few even had served time in Allied prisons as Nazi war criminals, but they were all released quickly. The bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen survived the war with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their industrial empires to become the richest men in the world. Dulles's clients got away with it. President Roosevelt's dream of putting the Nazis' moneymen on trial died with him."

England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors: "The British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to release all of the VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence against them. Even before Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already begun to withdraw from his commitment to prosecute Nazis." The reason?" Too many British industries might be seized as Nazi fronts. Too many upper-class collaborators might have to be prosecuted. The Germans were defeated, and the Soviets were now the enemy.

"Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly dried up. Nazi bankers such as Herman Abs were released from prison to work as economic advisers in the British zone of Germany. The history of British 'efforts' to punish Nazis after the war is aptly summarized in Tom Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'. . . .

"The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the Third Reich. Despite direct orders from President Truman and General Eisenhower, I.G. Farben, the citadel of the Nazi industrialists, was never dismantled. Dulles's clients demanded, and received, Allied compensation for bomb damage to their factories in Germany. Only a few of the top Nazis were executed. Most of the rest were released from prison within a few years. Others, . . . would go virtually unpunished. No one ever investigated the Nazi sympathizers in Western intelligence who had made it all possible." (12)

As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with the Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and even received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants. Some Nazi industrialists were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg war crimes trials but, in their book, "The American Establishment," authors Leonard and Mark Silk observe that in the late 1940s "the United States and its leaders faced an agonizing moral problem in coming to terms with those German industrialists who had willingly done business with the Nazis and who were now just as willing to do business with the Americans in the reconstruction of Germany. The problem was dramatized when those German industrialists who had been convicted of war crimes at Nuremberg were all released from Landsberg prison in early 1951, their sentences commuted by the American High Commissioner [of German Occupation], John J. McCloy.

". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the blanket release of the convicted industrialists was taken within Germany - and by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be seriously blamed for their involvement in matters for which others were hanged or suffered long imprisonment." (13)

The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war criminals is described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old Nazis," by T.H. Tetens, an expert in German affairs.

Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its eagerness to create a new German army of 500,000 men, the SS [at that time reorganized into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG, which stands for 'mutual assistance,' a so-called veterans organization], together with the old Wehrmacht officers, started an all-out campaign for the immediate release of all war criminals. It was a superbly organized blackmail action, enjoying wide support from the public, from all parties, and carried toward success by Dr. Adenauer's astute maneuverings.

"The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the problem with 'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods. The more the U.S. High Commission in Germany showed leniency, however, the stronger the pressure became: either 'all so-called war criminals are released or there will be no German army.' American diplomats followed Dr. Adenauer's plan to feed the nationalistic monster piecemeal. Every few days we quietly released one or two more from prison - the Krupps, the I.G. Farben directors, and dozens of former Wehrmacht Generals. On friendly advice from Washington, the British and the French, extremely reluctant, had to follow suit. When the supply dried up, there remained behind bars only the SS, the mass murderers from Dachau, Belsen, and Buchenwald, and the toughs from the Waffen SS who had massacred American, British, and Canadian prisoners of war. This put High Commissioner John McCloy in a most embarrassing position. . . ."

Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner McCloy and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment: Adenauer "suggested the formation of a review board, with three German members sitting in and having equal voice in making recommendations. The whole procedure was to be shrouded in secrecy, and it was decided that the names of those released should not be revealed to the public. In this way the last few hundred 'poor devils,' those SS mass killers and sadists, were quietly set free within two or three years." (14)

Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the subject of U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more detail of the backgrounds of those released:

"The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who had administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of similar cases. In addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg inmates set in motion a much broader process that eventually freed hundreds of other convicted Nazi war criminals over the next five years. . . . By the winter of 1950-1951 the most senior levels of the U.S. government had decided to abrogate their wartime pledge to bring Nazi war criminals to justice. . . . in the interests of preserving West German military support for American leadership in the cold war. While nazism and Hitler's inner circle continued to be publicly condemned throughout the West, the actual investigation and prosecution of specific Nazi crimes came to a standstill." (15)

One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer of the Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal murder assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the liquidation of the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During the Battle of the Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy massacre, killing more than 600 military and civilian prisoners, among them 115 American G.I.s. He was sentenced to death, and the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. In 1955 he was one of the last poor devils' quietly released from prison and greeted by the Bonn government with the homecoming pay of 6,000 marks." (16)

In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one prominent American expressed support for the reduction of sentences for those responsible for the mass murder of the 600 unarmed prisoners of war at Malmedy, describing the decision as "extremely wise." The American was Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican from Wisconsin.

Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French, the British, and the smaller European countries" of a re-militarized Germany, "the outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total change. The provisions which banned all military and veterans' organizations lost all their meaning and were no longer enforced. Western Germany was allowed by the Allies to set up its own General Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank Office. Supported by Bonn and tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide network was created to reactivate the experienced officers and the man power of the old Wehrmacht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the time when Hitler's old officers, SS leaders, and [Nazi] party functionaries returned to power and influence." (17)

Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was "tolerated by the United States" was a historical understatement. By the time Tetens' book was published in 1961, hundreds of convicted Nazi war criminals had already been smuggled out of Germany to avoid prosecution at the war crimes trials at Nuremberg, recruited by, and on the payroll of several U.S. government agencies, including the Army CIC, the OSS, and the Office of Policy Coordination within the State Department.

Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases in charge of, many U.S. government covert operations -- international weapons smuggling, drug cartels, Central American death squads, right wing anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind control experiments -- the Republican National Committee's Ethnic Heritage Councils, and the Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush.

THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION

Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United States intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen.

"Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's most senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front, had begun planning his surrender to the United States at least as early as the fall of 1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi officers who switched sides at the end of World War II, Gehlen "proved to be the most important of them all.

"In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior officers carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in the . . . military intelligence section of the German army's general staff. They packed the film in watertight steel drums and secretly buried it in remote mountain meadows scattered through the Austrian Alps. Then, on May 22, 1945, Gehlen and his top aides surrendered to an American Counter-intelligence Corps [CIC] team." (18)

According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an interview with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the United States "his intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the priceless files for future service."

Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed the continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German General Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were quietly released from internment camps and joined Gehlen's headquarters in the Spessart Mountains in central Germany. When the staff had grown to three thousand men, the Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded twenty-five-acre compound near Pullach, south of Munich, operating under the innocent name of the South German Industrial Development Organization. . . .

"Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and bounds. In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization employed up to 4,000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly former army and SS officers, and that more than 4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were active throughout the Soviet-bloc countries. Gehlen's spy network stretches from Korea to Cairo, from Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . . When the Federal Republic [of West Germany] became a sovereign state in 1955, the Bureau Gehlen was openly recognized as the official intelligence arm of the Bonn government." (19)

How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the history of the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was perhaps the most significant element of all:

". . . . The Org became the most important eyes and ears for U.S. intelligence inside the closed societies of the Soviet bloc. 'In 1946 [U.S.] intelligence files on the Soviet Union were virtually empty,' says Harry Rositzke, the CIA's former chief of espionage inside the Soviet Union. '. . . . Rositzke worked closely with Gehlen during the formative years of the CIA and credits Gehlen's organization with playing a "primary role" in filling the empty file folders during that period. . . .'

"'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that we were afraid of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the CIA's chief analyst of Soviet strategic war plans and capabilities, 'so we would give him more money to tell us about it.' He continues: 'In my opinion, the Gehlen Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the understanding or estimating Soviet military or political capabilities in Eastern Europe or anywhere else.' Employing Gehlen was 'a waste of time, money, and effort, except that maybe he had some CI [counter- intelligence] value, because practically everybody in his organization was sucking off both tits.'" (20)

By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the very time it was our most important source of intelligence upon which the Cold War was based. In fact, the Communists had infiltrated Nazi intelligence long before Gehlen switched sides.

TRIPLE CROSS

"In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support from the West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and close ties forged with various Western intelligence services. This enabled the Communist double agents running the front groups to co-opt the legitimate emigre opposition, splinter their leadership and provoke them into premature and poorly organized rebellions which were easily defeated. More importantly, the false front groups were a vehicle for long-term Soviet penetration of Western society. . . ."

The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi Soyuz (NTS), or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented itself as a group of anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin and, in the 1920s, recruited a Communist agent named Prince Anton Vasilevich Turkel. Turkel, who actually worked for Soviet Military intelligence (GRU), went on to penetrate French, Japanese, Italian, British, German, and even the Vatican intelligence services before the end of World War II.

"After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence (the Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of NATO, including the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS - for offensive intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC - for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State Department Office of Policy Co-ordination and the Central Intelligence Agency. . ." (21)

"Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an Austrian Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence network, code named MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt - Turkel's intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus, p. 166] - "worked exclusively for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German spy chief who collaborated with the Vatican and the British to topple Hitler during the war [the group known as the Black Orchestra]."

The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called Fascist Jews" who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the glory of the Third Reich but to save themselves and their families from the concentration camps." The Max network was supposed to have had "the only communication link to a secret network of 'White' Russian Fascists inside the Kremlin [Turkel's NTS], who had supposedly infiltrated Stalin's military headquarters prior to World War II." But, the authors continue, "the Max network was not made up of Fascist Jews. They were, in fact, Communist Jews who risked their lives inside the heart of the Third Reich's intelligence service."

The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet Union, leading "the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on the Eastern front." The Max double-agents were responsible for the Nazis defeats at Stalingrad, "the giant battle of Kursk where Hitler's tank divisions were slaughtered. The final sting," continue the authors, "was to mislead Germany into believing that the Red army was on the verge of collapse in 1944, when in fact the Soviets were preparing for the most massive onslaught of the war.

"It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of the Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the Western intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all Hitler's divisions were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a result of the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22)

When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles ordered the ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen already had plans to do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max network the centerpiece of his new West German intelligence agency. As soon as a Republican president was elected in the United States, Dulles intended to take over the CIA and make Gehlen and Turkel the heart of his anti-Soviet network. The Soviets, of course, were delighted as they watched Dulles and Gehlen attempt to plant a Communist spy ring in the heart of Western intelligence. . . .

". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that the whole thing had been a giant Soviet-controlled operation. Dozens of operations, hundreds of agents, thousands of innocent civilians had been betrayed. . . .

". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in 1953, his pet 'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes to start the Hungarian uprising prematurely. Thousands of innocent Hungarians rushed on to the streets of Budapest to start the revolution. Instead of American paratroopers dropping supplies, they found Soviet tanks waiting in the suburbs."

By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total: "U.S. Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security Council that it did not have a single network of couriers or safe houses left in Communist territory, apart from East Germany. Dulles's Nazi 'freedom fighters' had sold him out." (23)

COLD WARRIORS

It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United States military-intelligence establishment after the end of World War II: "Any bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the "former head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the CIA, was correct. (24)

We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed atrocities - returned to positions of power and influence inside Germany after the war. Unknown until fairly recently was the extent of Nazi recruitment by U.S. intelligence agencies and political organizations, in the 1940s and 1950s.

Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that of Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket scientists and facilities, all of which were later incorporated into the U.S. Space Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident. Barbie, head of the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known as the "Butcher of Lyons" and was sought by the French Government for atrocities committed against French Resistance fighters captured by the Nazis. Barbie was recruited as a U.S. intelligence "asset" in 1947 by one branch of the State Department's Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC), while another branch, the Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British project, was trying to put him in prison for war crimes.

Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment (and protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers and politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought increasing pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and eventually through official notes requesting Barbie's extradition from Germany. That, in the final analysis, is why the CIC chose to provide Barbie with a new identity and safe passage to Argentina in 1951, while thousands of other ex-Nazis who had been 'of interest' to the CIC at one time or another have simply lived out their lives in Germany. If the CIC had dumped Barbie when the French government began requesting his extradition, he would have had plenty of compromising things to say about the CIC. . ." (25)

But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in the early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war crimes, the U.S. government was forced to conduct an investigation into the Barbie affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his investigation concluded that the United States had indeed protected Barbie in Europe and engineered his escape but that Barbie was the only such Nazi who had been assisted in this fashion." (26)

As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S. agencies, from the CIC to the CIA, and used in covert operations overseas, as our first line of defense against Communism. Others, equally as guilty of wartime atrocities, were brought into the United States for domestic political purposes. This aspect of the U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented, and deserves closer attention by the mainstream press.

One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the U.S. government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of Carmel, California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host of the weekly radio program "World Watchers International" began with the Kennedy assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel from the Warren Report," writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the book "Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes," "supplementing her research with untold amounts of reading from the 'New York Times' to 'Soldier of Fortune,' Brussell discovered not merely a conspiracy of a few renegade CIA agents, Mafiosi, and Castro haters behind Kennedy's death, but a vast, invisible institutional structure layered into the very fabric of the U.S. political system.

"Comprising the government within a government were not just spies, gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis. Mae found that many of the commission witnesses -- whose testimony established Oswald as a lone nut' -- had never even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly. The bulk of them were White Russian emigres living in Dallas. Extreme in their anti-Communism, they were often affiliated with groups set up by the SS in World War II -- Eastern European ethnic armies used by the Nazis to carry out their dirtiest work.

"Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely reported in the media, and not often taught in universities. Those same collaborationist groups were absorbed by United States intelligence agencies. They hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."

"'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military disaster and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in the West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't author too many articles, but this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,' a short-lived political magazine published by 'Hustler' impresario Larry Flynt), was definitive, albeit convoluted.

"'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when John Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And it is a story with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of Fascism.'"

Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988, after receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have identified himself as 'a fascist and proud of it.'"

The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on October 3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults -- within the U.S. military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had progressed far beyond the need for patsies like Oswald. They were now able, Brussell asserted, to hypnotically program assassins.

"Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With drugs, sex, and violence, they strip any semblance of moral thought. They are perfect for use in creating killers. The United States military, Brussell found, was using them." (27)

NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER

1. One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p. 5-6 2. 3. The Secret War Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p. 71 4. 5. Ibid., pp. 73-74 6. 7. Ibid., pp. 75-76 8. 9. Ibid., p. 77 10. 11. Ibid., p. 78 12. 13. Ibid., pp. 79-80 14. 15. Ibid., pp. 82-83 16. 17. Ibid., pp. 84-85 18. 19. Ibid., pp. 85-86 20. 21. Tragedy and Hope, Prof. Carrol Quigley, p. 827 22. 23. Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 100-102 24. 25. The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark Silk, p. 249 26. 27. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp. 99-102 28. 29. Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects on the Cold War, Christopher Simpson, pp. 191-192 30. 31. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, p. 103 32. 33. Ibid., pp. 112-113 34. 35. Blowback, pp. 40-41 36. 37. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp. 42-43 38. 39. Blowback, pp. 54-55 40. 41. Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp. 151-152 42. 43. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 135-136 44. 45. Ibid., pp. 151-152 46. 47. Blowback, p. 159 48. 49. Ibid., pp. 187-189 50. 51. Ibid., pp. 192-193 52. 53. Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp. 101-10454.

RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles.

The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:

"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"

The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."

According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)

Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)

After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)

This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base.

"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.

"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations." (4)

The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)

One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.

"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in droves.

"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)

"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . .

"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.

". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front." (7)

The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)

"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.

"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .

"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)

It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.

NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

1. The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221 2. 3. Ibid., pp. 221-222 4. 5. Ibid., pp. 222-223 6. 7. Ibid., pp. 122-123 8. 9. Ibid., pp. 224-225 10. 11. Ibid., pp. 297-298 12. 13. Ibid., pp. 298-299 14. 15. High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418 16. 17. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-30118.

GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon. And, like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six decades and, once again, to Allen Dulles.

Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making their deals with the Nazis. . . ."

THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION

"George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St. Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company in 1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . .

"Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in the United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's infant Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were American contributors as well.

"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of the German economic recovery. . . .

"Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill Harriman, a dominating figure in the American establishment. . . .

"The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company. The link between Harriman & Company's American investors and Thyssen started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which began trading in 1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold more than $50 million of German bonds to American investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president, and the firm was located in the offices of Averill Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.

"In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly. Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with Germany. As Thyssen and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's political power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was needed. According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine. . . .

"In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a British-American investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush became one of the senior partners of the new company, which relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39 Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the board of directors of Union Banking.

"Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians to see things Hitler's way. The holding company was Walker's American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. . . .

". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for having the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .

". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's 'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know it, but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up the pretense of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to Naval Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi intelligence.

"Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen Dulles. According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as 'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.'

"As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G. Farben. By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers Harriman-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the Rockefellers of Standard Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.'

"If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very good job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington that affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation for aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . .

". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush continued. Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say our sources among the former intelligence officers, a valiant attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.

"Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S. government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held by Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman, and Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as well.

"Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation -- also were seized. Then the government went after the Harriman Fifteen Holding Company, which Bush shared with his father-in-law, Bert Walker, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American Corporation. The U.S. government found that huge sections of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the German war effort." (1)

EDWIN PAULEY

"Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather and father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found that the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own, he ran into the pirates of Wall Street.

"One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business. Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert agents in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big business' Democrat. . . ."

Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic convention in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the "Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain."

Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task was to renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched reparations activities carefully.' There was a lot of money involved, and much of it belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients."

At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,"the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe for their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want the Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that they existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this problem for the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by the West's forces. As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi assets out to safety. . . .

"Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi assets, then moved into another post where he could help them further. After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands, Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and determining the amount of its war debt.' Again, it was another job that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and intelligence operations." (2)

After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.

"Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too low.

"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians. Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one point CIA agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a business cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money laundry for Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the Mexican-CIA connection played an important part in the development of George Bush's political and intelligence career. . . .

"Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the threads of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .

"Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national security' cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate. Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon that they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of our intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United States. . . .

"The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice president. There is no doubt that the two families were close. George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt at politics, during his unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and turned out again when he entered the House two years later.

"After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general house cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush will do anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account, the president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at the National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed George Bush as head of the Republican National Committee.

"It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic' emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party's official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were the emigre Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .

". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach program when he first ran for president.

"According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the Republican party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after Bush did so, Nixon resigned.

"Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage controller. He formed a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's investigation of the intelligence community. The Rockefeller Commission into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters' program." (3)

In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical stories reported in America's alternative press that raised serious questions about the Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)

NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

1. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361 2. 3. Ibid., pp. 362-364 4. 5. Ibid., pp. 365-371 6. 7. The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen, Director., pp. 230.8.
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