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The Merger Of The Public And Private Sector
From Charlotte Iserbyt's Landmark Book
Early In 1981, the President's task force on private sector initiatives was installed at
734 Jackson Place, N.W., Washington, D.C. Membership listed on The White House letterhead
read like a "Who's Who"of individuals in government agencies, universities, tax-exempt foundations,
non-governmental organizations, business, media, labor unions, and religion.
The names of some individuals on the task force follow: William Aramony, president, United Way;
The "Effective" Eighties : c. 1981 176 William J. Baroody, Jr., president, American Enterprise Institute; Helen G. Boosalis, mayor,
City of Lincoln, Nebraska; Terence Cardinal Cooke, archbishop of New York; Governor Pierre S.
Dupont, Delaware; Senator David Durenberger; Luis A. Ferre, former governor of Puerto Rico;
John Gardner, chairman, Independent Sector; Edward Hill, pastor, Mt. Zion Baptist Church;
Michael S. Joyce, executive director, John M. Olin Foundation; Edward H. Kiernan, president,
International Association of Police; Arthur Levitt, Jr., chairman, American Stock Exchange;
Richard W. Lyman, president, Rockefeller Foundation; Elder Thomas S. Monson, The Mormon
Church; William C. Norris, chairman and CEO, Control Data Corporation; George Romney,
chairman, National Center for Citizen Involvement; C. William Verity, Jr., chairman, Armco
Steel, Inc.; Jeri J. Winger, first vice president, General Federation of Women's Clubs; Thomas
H. Wyman, president, CBS, Inc.; and William S. White, president, C.S. Mott Foundation.5
This totally new and un-American concept of partnerships between public and private sector has been readily accepted by our elected officials who ignore its roots in socialism and its implications for the discontinuation of our representative form of government and accountability to the taxpayers. Under the "partnership"process, determining responsibility when something goes wrong is like pinning jello to the wall. Such a change in government, if presented in clear language to citizens at the polls, would be rejected. However, when implemented gradually, using the Marxist-Hegelian Dialectic,
citizens don't even notice what is happening. The shift is away from elected representatives.
In time, after voters have become even more disenchanted with the candidates and election results, fewer and fewer citizens will vote. At that point a highly-respected member of the public will enter the picture to propose a solution to the problem: some sort of compromise toward parliamentary form of government found in socialist democracies which will be acceptable to Americans unfamiliar with the protections guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution.
One says to oneself, confidently, "This will never happen."Look around you. What do you see? Site-based management in your local schools, transferring decision-making, traditionally exercised by elected school boards, to politically correct appointees and the creation of unelected task forces at all government levels; proposals to "separate school and state" which make no mention of governmental and social structure consequences—efforts to have government money (taxes) pay for services delivered by private religious or homeschools, etc., with no public representation. There can be no accountability to the taxpayers under a system so alien to the United States' form of representative government.
How clean, neat and tidy. Wholesale destruction of an entire, wonderful system of government
without firing a shot.
As a U.S. Department of Education liaison with The White House during the early days of this initiative this writer inquired of one of President Reagan's political appointees whether this initiative, was not corporate fascism; a politically incorrect question that resulted in someone else replacing me as Liaison with The White House.
Charlotte Thomson Iserbyt
Former Senior Policy Advisor
U.S. Department of Education
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