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Petraeus & Crocker - Dodging,
Hedging, Evading Reality

By Joel Skousen
Editor - World Affairs Brief
9-14-7

The carefully crafted statements of Gen. David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker delivered before House and Senate committees were a study in political evasion. Every major description of the situation on the ground in Iraq pointed to "progress," however slight, however large the problems, and however dim the hopes for a long-term solution. It was, in fact, this "hopeful" lack of certainty about anything that emerged as the trump card of these two artful dodgers. They couldn't be pinned down to anything--a timetable for withdrawal, certainty of success, political stability--NOTHING except hope--which, naturally, meant more time, more money, and more sacrifice in Iraq. To assuage the critics, there was even a token proposal for phased but limited "withdrawal."
 
Nothing more clearly demonstrated this art of bobbing and weaving, hedging and dodging, than when questioned by Democratic leaders critical of the war. They wanted assurances that this was not going to be an interminable process and they came away empty handed. As Jim Lobe told it, "Democratic leaders say such a reduction [in troops] is not nearly enough, particularly in light of the inability of either Petraeus or his civilian counterpart in Baghdad, Amb. Ryan Crocker, to point to any serious progress over the past eight months in achieving the kind of national reconciliation among the warring factions in Iraq that the surge was designed to promote.
 
The war critics brought up embarrassing administrative benchmarks crafted last January where the President said the Iraqis would take charge of the Iraq's security by November 2007. This and other benchmarks were explained away with assurances of partial progress requiring "more time." Someone should remind the president that he said the US would not be infinitely patient with Iraq's failure to meet its commitments. Really? So where are the consequences? There will be none, except making the occupation indefinite.
 
"Sen. Joseph Biden, who chaired Tuesday's Foreign Relations Committee hearings at which Crocker and Petraeus testified asked: 'Are we any closer to a lasting political settlement in Iraq...today than we were when the surge began eight months ago, and if we continue to surge for another six months, the Sunnis, the Shias and the Kurds will stop killing each other and start governing together? ...The answer to both those questions is NO'.... But even with the two most recent Republican defectors' support (Sen. James Walsh and Sen. Elizabeth Dole), Democrats are still unlikely to come within hailing distance of the two-thirds majority they need to overcome a veto by Bush of any legislation that would force him to change the military mission in Iraq, let alone withdraw more troops more quickly. 'Unless we get 67 votes to override a veto, there is nothing we can do to end this war,' said Biden."
 
Returning to the evading of hard questions, even mild mannered Jim Lehrer of the News Hour on NPR tried for almost 10 minutes to pin down both Petraeus and Crocker to any substantive assurance on time, troop withdrawal levels and political stability. When Lehrer tried to determine whether the "hope" in the "progress" they reported translated into some kind of personal assurance that this would ultimately lead to success in Iraq, neither would commit themselves to any assurance, which was very telling. They, like every other analyst living in Iraq, know this process isn't going to lead to success, but won't say so because they are lackeys and yesmen to government.
 
Gen. Petraeus did include several remarks, including inferences from major Iraqi leaders in the current government, that claimed Iraqi leaders need a long-term US presence in Iraq. The only Iraqi leaders who would say such a thing are those whose position is completely dependent upon US support.
 
Petraeus and Crocker coordinated their every word and move with the administration, while going to great lengths to avoid the appearance of close collusion. They made a big point on the News Hour with Jim Lehrer of the fact that they had not talked to President Bush until the day after their presentations to Congress. Anyone who believes their written texts were not known and approved of by the White House before their arrival in the US is ignorant or naive. Coordination and vetting of their words was long ago assured prior to their arrival in Washington DC.
 
The President on Thursday night gleefully announced his satisfaction with the reports, lauding the integrity and impeccable credentials of the message bearers. Based upon the "hopeful" progress given the nation by Gen. Petraeus, the president assured the nation the "process" of drawing down limited number of forces can begin next year. He will reduce U.S. troop levels by some 30,000 -- or only about 20 percent -- by August next year, just as Petraeus recommended. "The more we succeed, the more troops we can bring home from Iraq." So, our troops are now held hostage to "success," whatever that is.
 
This is pure political grandstanding, and will be quickly forgotten once a strike on Iran is launched. Even without a war with Iran, the US is fully intending to keep more than 130,000 combat and support personnel in Iraq after the token withdrawal of five combat brigades involved in "the surge." That means 15 combat brigades remaining and, effectively, no withdrawal of any pre-surge forces. This little maneuver has netted the US a continued combat involvement in Iraq at pre-2007 levels while letting the nation think we are withdrawing! Slick, really Slick.
 
President Bush told the nation that the troop surge had done what it was designed to do: protect the Iraqi people from vicious attacks and limit sectarian violence. Naturally, the American people are now expected to give the president more time (and money) to let his strategy have time to work.
 
Tell that to the increasing number of US soldiers being killed. Two of the Sergeants who had the courage to sign the anti-war op-ed piece published in the NY Times were killed this week. They died along with 5 others in a truck accident outside of Baghdad.
 
Critics of the Bush administration's interventionist policies were not fooled by all the media hype and administration grandstanding. Tom Engelhardt [tomgram.com] evoked the image of "Eliza Doolittle in these lyrics from My Fair Lady: 'Oh, words, words, words, I'm so sick of words.... Is that all you blighters can do?' We've had to bear with the bloviating [speaking pompously, verbosely] of almost every member of Congress, the full-blast PR apparatus of the White House, and two endless days of congressional testimony from General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, not to speak of the flood of newspaper, radio, and TV stories about all of the above and the bevy of experts who are hustled out to do the horse-race assessments of how the general and ambassador performed, whether they 'bought' time for the President.
 
"And -- count on it -- that's just the beginning. The same cast of characters will be talking, squabbling, spinning, and analyzing stats of every sort for weeks to come -- with a sequel promised next spring. Everyone knows that's the case, just as everyone has known since mid-summer that we would get to this point and, when we did, that things similar to those said (and written) in the last two days would indeed be said (and written), and that nothing the blighters would say or write would matter a whit, or change the course of events, or the tide of history...'
 
Engelhardt's comments about how they can just keep analyzing and assessing things for years, playing people along indefinitely, are true. Sadly, the PTB will punctuate the boredom and predictability of their strategy with new wars and terrorist acts to keep the public hyped up in its patriotic stupor of blindness.
 
Robert Scheer added, "Back on Sept. 26, 2004, in the weeks before the midterm congressional elections, Petraeus [demonstrating his political partisanship] took to the op-ed pages of the Washington Post to make sure the voters didn't vote wrong. Despite appearances, he claimed the war in Iraq was going very well: 'I see tangible progress [through rose-colored glasses]. Iraqi security elements are being rebuilt from the ground up,' Petraeus wrote. 'The institutions that oversee them are being re-established from the top down. And Iraqi leaders are stepping forward, leading their country and their security forces courageously. ... There has been progress in the effort to enable Iraqis to shoulder more of the load for their own security, something they are keen to do.' So keen, it makes one's heart swell. So keen that three years later, after the expenditure of $450 billion more in taxpayer funds, and more U.S. troops in proportion to the Iraqi population than we had in Vietnam at the height of that war, the good general now insists it would be disastrous to even think about bringing any American troops home before next summer. That's at least another $150 billion and many more Iraqi and U.S. lives wasted.
 
"But wait--Ryan C. Crocker, the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, also testified before Congress this week with Petraeus, and he has more good news about what he still celebrates as the 'liberation of Iraq.' Remember that Bush administration promise that the oil-rich Iraqis would pick up the check for the cost of their liberation? Well, Crocker is bullish on that front: the Iraqi economy is on schedule to grow by 6 percent, according to his testimony. Perhaps he is referring to the additional money dumped into Iraq's economy by American taxpayers chipping in for the 'surge.'"
 
Crocker's political remarks are at odds with how Iraqis see it. According to a BBC poll of Iraqis 70 percent of Iraqis believe "security has deteriorated since the surge began" and 60 percent believe attacks on U.S. forces are still justified. 93 percent of Sunnis express hatred for the United States and those Iraq leaders who serve as puppets for the US.
 
Perhaps that is why one of the sheiks from Anbar province (lauded by President Bush and Gen. Petraeus for switching over to the American side) was assassinated this week. Sattar Abu Risha was head of the Anbar Awakening Council, a tribal alliance that fought the Sunni al-Qaeda group.
 
Pepe Escobar explains why the loss of Abu Risha damages the administration's success claims in Anbar: "The success story in Anbar is not due to the general's wily ways, but to an Iraqi sheikh: Abdul Satter Abu Risha, the leader of a coalition of tribes, including 200 sheikhs, formed in the autumn of 2006 under the name
 
Anbar Sovereignty Council (now it's called Iraq Awakening)... Abu Risha is not, and never was, a Salafi-jihadi. He considers himself an Iraqi nationalist. He's not in favor of a caliphate. But he's definitely in favor of restored power to Sunni Iraqis." -which wasn't going to happen. He would have eventually defected again.
 
Further the BBC poll found only "29 percent of Iraqis now think the situation will get better, as opposed to 64 percent who shared that optimism before the surge----which almost 70 percent of Iraqis believe has 'hampered conditions for political dialogue, reconstruction and economic development.'" In short, one can always cherry-pick some tidbits of good news out of any conflict. The bottom line is that Iraq is a sectarian quagmire of multiple ethnic groups warring over their share of oil and other government benefits. This is the natural outcome of all raw, unrestricted, democracies where the "majority takes all."
 
That's why we in the United States have a constitution where the government is (or used to be) restricted from redistributing wealth and benefits to favored groups. Unlimited majority rule is a recipe for constant conflict among competing groups and there is no resolution except to strictly limit the power of the majority to legislate--limiting legislative and executive powers to the defense of fundamental rights alone (properly defined: see my section on Law and Government at <http://www.joelskousen.com>www.joelskousen.com ). Sadly, in the wake of war and nation building our government refuses to allow any political party or movement to emerge in developing countries, including Iraq, who wants to install a US style constitution. I have personal knowledge of this betrayal having served as an advisor to developing free-market political parties in Central America during the Reagan administration.
 
PDF Version: http://www.worldaffairsbrief.com/pdfbrief/World%20Aff
airs%20Brief%2014%20September%202007.pdf
World Affairs Brief September 14, 2007
 
World Affairs Brief, September 14, 2007. Commentary and Insights on a Troubled World.
 
Copyright Joel Skousen. Partial quotations with attribution permitted. Cite source as Joel Skousen's World Affairs Brief (<http://www.worldaffairsbrief.com> http://www.worldaffairsbrief.com )
 

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