- To assess what this law will truly mean for us all, I'm
joined by Jonathan Turley, professor of constitutional law at George Washington
- As always, sir, great thanks for your time.
- JONATHAN TURLEY, GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY CONSTITUTIONAL
LAW PROFESSOR: Thanks, Keith.
- OLBERMANN: I want to start by asking you about
a specific part of this act that lists one of the definitions of an unlawful
enemy combatant as, quote, "a person who, before, on, or after the
date of the enactment of the Military Commissions Act of 2006, has been
determined to be an unlawful enemy combatant by a combatant status review
tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority
of the president or the secretary of defense."
- Does that not basically mean that if Mr. Bush or Mr.
Rumsfeld say so, anybody in this country, citizen or not, innocent or not,
can end up being an unlawful enemy combatant?
- TURLEY: It certainly does. In fact, later
on, it says that if you even give material support to an organization that
the president deems connected to one of these groups, you too can be an
- And the fact that he appoints this tribunal is meaningless.
You know, standing behind him at the signing ceremony was his attorney
general, who signed a memo that said that you could torture people, that
you could do harm to them to the point of organ failure or death.
- So if he appoints someone like that to be attorney general,
you can imagine who he's going be putting on this board.
- OLBERMANN: Does this mean that under this law,
ultimately the only thing keeping you, I, or the viewer out of Gitmo is
the sanity and honesty of the president of the United States?
- TURLEY: It does. And it's a huge sea change
for our democracy. The framers created a system where we did not
have to rely on the good graces or good mood of the president. In
fact, Madison said that he created a system essentially to be run by devils,
where they could not do harm, because we didn't rely on their good motivations.
- Now we must. And people have no idea how significant
this is. What, really, a time of shame this is for the American system.
What the Congress did and what the president signed today essentially revokes
over 200 years of American principles and values.
- It couldn't be more significant. And the strange
thing is, we've become sort of constitutional couch potatoes. I mean,
the Congress just gave the president despotic powers, and you could hear
the yawn across the country as people turned to, you know, "Dancing
with the Stars." I mean, it's otherworldly.
- OLBERMANN: Is there one defense against this, the
legal challenges against particularly the suspension or elimination of
habeas corpus from the equation? And where do they stand, and how
likely are they to overturn this action today?
- TURLEY: Well, you know what? I think people
are fooling themselves if they believe that the courts will once again
stop this president from taking over-taking almost absolute power.
It basically comes down to a single vote on the Supreme Court, Justice
Kennedy. And he indicated that if Congress gave the president these
types of powers, that he might go along.
- And so we may have, in this country, some type of ueber-president,
some absolute ruler, and it'll be up to him who gets put away as an enemy
combatant, held without trial.
- It's something that no one thought-certainly I didn't
think-was possible in the United States. And I am not too sure how
we got to this point. But people clearly don't realize what a fundamental
change it is about who we are as a country. What happened today changed
us. And I'm not too sure we're going to change back anytime soon.
- OLBERMANN: And if Justice Kennedy tries to change
us back, we can always call him an enemy combatant.
- The president reiterated today the United States does
not torture. Does this law actually guarantee anything like that?
- TURLEY: That's actually when I turned off my TV
set, because I couldn't believe it. You know, the United States has
engaged in torture. And the whole world community has denounced the
views of this administration, its early views that the president could
order torture, could cause injury up to organ failure or death.
- The administration has already established that it has
engaged in things like waterboarding, which is not just torture.
We prosecuted people after World War II for waterboarding prisoners.
We treated it as a war crime. And my God, what a change of fate,
where we are now embracing the very thing that we once prosecuted people
- Who are we now? I know who we were then.
But when the president said that we don't torture, that was, frankly, when
I had to turn off my TV set.
- OLBERMANN: That same individual fell back on the
same argument that he'd used about the war in Iraq to sanction this law.
Let me play what he said and then ask you a question about it.
- (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
- BUSH: Yet with the distance of history, the questions
will be narrowed and few. Did this generation of Americans take the
threat seriously? And did we do what it takes to defeat that threat?
- (END VIDEO CLIP)
- OLBERMANN: Does he understand the irony of those
words when taken out of the context of this particular passage or of what
he perceives as the war against terror, and that, in fact, the threat we
may be facing is the threat of President George W. Bush?
- TURLEY: Well, this is going to go down in history
as one of our greatest self-inflicted wounds. And I think you can
feel the judgment of history. It won't be kind to President Bush.
- But frankly, I don't think that it will be kind to the
rest of us. I think that history will ask, Where were you?
What did you do when this thing was signed into law? There were people
that protested the Japanese concentration camps, there were people that
protested these other acts. But we are strangely silent in this national
yawn as our rights evaporate.
- OLBERMANN: Well, not to pat ourselves on the back
too much, but I think we've done a little bit of what we could have done,
- TURLEY: That's true.
- OLBERMANN: ... I'll see you at Gitmo. Jonathan
Turley, constitutional law professor at George Washington University.
As always, greatest thanks for your time, Jon.
- TURLEY: Thanks, Keith.