- Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist
Supreme Court of the United States
1 First Street, N. E. Washington, DC 20543
- January 31, 2005
- Dear Chief Justice Rehnquist,
- I write to you as a concerned citizen of the United States
who is a Federal employee under oath to protect and defend the Constitution
of the United States. I am asking you to focus on a very grave matter
fraught with serious implications touching on the conduct of former President
George Herbert Walker Bush. Primary documentary evidence, as set forth
below and in attachments to this letter, shows that George H. W. Bush was
in Dallas, Texas on the day of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy
and that on the next day he served as a conduit of disinformation so as
to promote a misleading public perception of the person accused of the
crime, Lee Harvey Oswald.
- My doubts about former President Bush emanate from careful
consideration of two memos of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, one
written by the Director John Edgar Hoover and dated 29 November 1963, and
the other by Special Agent Graham W. Kitchel and dated 22 November 1963,
the very day of the JFK assassination. (I became aware of the Hoover memo
in 1990 and obtained a copy of it directly from FBI Headquarters in Washington,
DC on a visit there in June of 1991. This Hoover memo was published the
same year in Mark Lane's Plausible Denial and a year later in Robert Morrow's
Firsthand Knowledge. I became aware of the Kitchel memo in 2003 and that
same year obtained a copy of it by mail from the National Archives. The
Kitchel memo is not as well known to researchers as the Hoover memo and
as far as I know it has never been published.)
- As I will explain below, the Hoover and Kitchel memos
help interpret each other. Perhaps by coincidence only and certainly unbeknownst
to me at the time, the Kitchel memo was declassified on 15 October 1993,
exactly two days after I had hand-delivered complaints of judicial misconduct
(93-8533 and 93-8534), which are relevant to the topic of this letter,
to the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals, 2nd Circuit, according
to provisions set forth in the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980
(28 U.S.C.372(c)). Whatever the case, the Kitchel memo establishes George
H. W. Bush's whereabouts in Dallas the day Kennedy died and the next day,
23 November 1963, the day before the assassination of the accused, Lee
- After perusal of the Kitchel memo (see attached) obvious
questions arise, which I believe explain why this memo remained hidden
from certain investigators for three decades and from me for four decades.
Why did George H. W. Bush wait until after JFK was pronounced dead to
inform on a Houston resident who allegedly was making threats against the
president? Why did Bush wait a day, until after JFK had visited Houston
on 21 November, to pass this information to the FBI? Why did Bush withhold
potentially useful information known to him for weeks before JFK's trip
to Texas and then reveal it to the FBI when it was too late to act upon?
Why did Bush fail to give a timely warning? Will George H. W. Bush take
the answers to these questions to the grave? I hope not!
- Bearing in mind that the Kitchel memo reveals Bush's
need for confidentiality with respect to his untimely reporting of hearsay
from a "source unknown" as well as his advice to the FBI to contact
his colleagues at the Harris County Republican Party Headquarters for further
information, I have concluded that Bush was establishing in his telephone
contact with Kitchel a pretext for being in Dallas on the 22nd and 23rd
of November 1963 so as to disguise a purpose entirely different than simply
giving what we now know with benefit of hindsight to be useless information.
That entirely different purpose is revealed in the Hoover memo (see attached).
- Written on 29 November 1963, one week after the JFK assassination
and on the very day of the establishment of the Warren Commission by executive
order, the Hoover memo ostensibly concerns itself with the reaction of
the Cuban community in south Florida to the events of the previous week
in Dallas. Implicit in Hoover's words is the understanding that Oswald's
pro-Castro public persona could potentially cause dangerous international
ramifications with Cuba or Cuba's sponsor, the erstwhile Union of Soviet
- But let us delve into the matter of Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona, which had the potential of not only setting off a nuclear
war of mutually assured destruction, but also, as an inviting alternative
according to the logic that prevailed at the time, of letting one man,
taken from prison and from judgment, die so that others may live. This
pro-Castro public persona of Oswald was established at a press conference
inside the Dallas Police Headquarters on the night of 22 November when
Jack Ruby, who later shot and killed Oswald on 24 November, corrected Dallas
District Attorney Henry Wade's assertion that Oswald was with the anti-Castro
"Free Cuba" movement by telling him before assembled reporters
from around the world that Oswald was with the pro-Castro "Fair Play
for Cuba" movement, which Wade instantly accepted as though in deference
to a higher authority. (Ruby's correction of Wade's statement was recorded
by news organizations and Ruby later recollected the event under direct
questioning by Chief Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964 during a deposition
taken in Dallas as per The Warren Commission Hearings, Volume 5, page 189.)
Thus this supposed "two bit gangster and minor trafficker in women
and narcotics" established Oswald's pro-Castro public persona as accepted
fact even though official investigations were barely under way that night
and the mandate of the Warren Commission was still six days into the future.
Such is the provenance of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona.
- Later, in 1968, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison
established that Oswald worked with anti-Castro groups within the intelligence
community in New Orleans where he was "sheep-dipped" to take
on the guise of a pro-Castro agitator. Hence the false and misleading characterization
of Oswald as pro-Castro, which was all too readily made available to the
news media soon after his arrest. Oswald insisted all along that he was
a "patsy"; i.e., a person who is easily manipulated or victimized.
Oswald said "I never killed anybody" but never exercised his
basic civil right to defend himself against false accusations in a court
- And so the day before Jack Ruby killed Oswald, when the
airwaves were pulsing with Jack Ruby's pro-Castro spin on Oswald, United
States Government officials had already essentially ratified Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona by monitoring the Cuban exile community in south Florida
for possible untoward reactions in the aftermath of the JFK assassination
and reporting back their somewhat reassuring findings, which are memorialized
in Hoover's memo, which concludes: "The substance of the foregoing
information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence
Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on
November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau."
- George H. W. Bush, not by his phone in his Houston office
on 23 November 1963, was nevertheless readily available by phone or by
personal visit because he had told Graham Kitchel that he would be staying
at the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel on 22 and 23 November.
- As the Hoover memo demonstrates, not only did the FBI
know how to contact George H. W. Bush on the road, but the exchange of
information between Mr. W. T. Forsyth and George H. W. Bush certainly had
nothing to do with the ostensible reason for Bush's contact with the FBI
the previous day; namely, a college student in Houston who according to
sources unknown was shooting off his mouth about JFK in the weeks prior
to JFK's visit to Texas. This exchange of information was all about everybody
getting the story straight. Hoover, it seems, wanted everybody reading
in unison from the same page; namely, the pro-Castro portrayal of Oswald
as spun by Jack Ruby. But did Hoover treat George H. W. Bush as a person
with a need to know, or was it the other way around?
- Chief Justice Rehnquist, at the start of this letter
I asked you to focus on a very grave matter touching on the conduct of
former president George H. W. Bush. I thank you for having read thus far.
But now I would like to ask you to use your power as the highest judicial
officer in these United States to investigate this matter with a view toward
the administration of justice, the confirmation of historical truth, and
the exercise of accountability on the part of a public servant.
- To conclude, I also wish to go briefly into two areas
of the JFK assassination which are not common knowledge but are nevertheless
necessary to consider in order to reach sound conclusions.
- In this day and age when weapons of mass destruction
in the Middle East are a big concern, a reopening of the JFK assassination
investigation would be quite apt for the times. Let me explain. Elected
in 1960, by 1961 JFK was locked in a bitter behind-the -scenes struggle
with the Zionist state's Prime Minister David Ben Gurion over the Zionist
state's nuclear weapons program that had been started at Dimona in the
Negev in 1956. This fact was brought to light more than three decades later,
in 1991, with the publication of Seymour Hersh's The Samson Option, in
chapter eight, "A Presidential Struggle." JFK wanted to end
the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program because he foresaw that such
a program would only result in a regional arms race for countervailing
weapons of mass destruction. This very wise policy ended with his assassination,
which enabled the Zionists to prevail in their determination to maintain
the threat of nuclear weapons capability.
- However, the cui bono test has never been applied to
the Zionist state in any official investigation of the JFK assassination.
But a highly intelligent and patriotically motivated researcher by the
name of Michael Collins Piper has applied the cui bono? test to the Zionist
state and the international web of conspiracy which he describes in detail
in his book, Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination
Conspiracy, is indeed quite startling. Michael Collins Piper has shined
a light in some rather dark places. In the name of peace and justice,
I implore you, Chief Justice Rehnquist, to look at his work which I believe
you will find compelling, for it may well be that deeply rooted treason
and corruption have prevented a truly just and comprehensive peace in the
Middle East, including a region from the Nile to the Euphrates rivers free
from the threat of weapons of mass destruction. (Piper's Final Judgment
may be obtained at 888 699 6397.)
- Finally, I note that the Talmudic law of the moser, or
the law of the Jewish informer, is essentially a covenant prohibiting a
Jew from informing on another Jew to a non-Jew, which is diametrically
opposed to the adversarial process of our own legal system and therefore
conducive toward obstruction of justice. Furthermore, among employees
at all levels in our intelligence and law enforcement communities, the
law of the moser constitutes an impediment to frank and uninhibited exchanges
of information in the discharge of their duties and therefore poses a threat
to our national security. I cannot overemphasize the great importance
of this very real issue of the law of the moser, or law of the Jewish informer,
the history of which you can read online at www.JewishEncyclopedia.com.
- In my complaint of judicial misconduct docketed under
Miscellaneous Number 01-0030 on 1 June 2001 by the Clerk of the United
States Court of Appeals, 11th Circuit, I cite a living rabbi's more recent
(1997) published article promulgating the law of the moser or law of the
Jewish informer. Again, this is a very real issue, not unlike the Mafioso
code of omerta. The Warren Commission was oblivious to it. So was the
9/11 Commission. We continue to ignore this issue at our national peril.
Let us address in a forthright manner this issue of the Talmudic law of
the moser or law of the Jewish informer and its legal, national security
and foreign policy implications.
- Very truly yours,
- Stephen M. St. John
- Copy to: Associate Justice John Paul Stevens
- Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
- Associate Justice Antonin Scalia
- Associate Justice Anthony M. Kennedy
- Associate Justice David Hackett Souter
- Associate Justice Clarence Thomas
- Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
- Associate Justice Stephen G. Breyer
- Michael Collins Piper
- Et al.
- The following two sections A & B show verbatim reproductions
of the texts of the 29 November 1963 Hoover memo and the 22 November 1963
Kitchel memo. Any reader may obtain free copies of the originals by requesting
them with either a stamped self-addressed envelope (postage sufficient
for carrying three pages) or a fax number for anywhere in the USA, Mexico
or Canada. Direct requests to: Stephen M. St. John, Post Office Box 449,
New York, NY, 10185 or by phone or fax to 212 534 5024 or by e-mail to
metatron.metatron @verizon.net. The original copies show time stamps,
routing designations, declassification stamps, signatures, handwritten
initials and the like, whereas the verbatim reproductions that follow
show only the text. [Copies of the originals were attached to letter mailed
to Chief Justice Rehnquist.]
- A ***Verbatim Reproduction of 29 November 1963 Hoover
- Date: November 29, 1963
- To: Director
- Bureau of Intelligence and Research
- Department of State
- From: John Edgar Hoover, Director
- Subject: ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY
- NOVEMBER 22, 1963
- Our Miami, Florida, Office on November 23, 1963, advised
that the Office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the
Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize
on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba,
believing that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald
a change in U. S. policy, which is not true.
- Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters
in the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban
community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among those who did not
entirely agree with the President's policy concerning Cuba, the feeling
is that the President's death represents a great loss not only to the U.
S. but to all of Latin America. These sources know of no plans for unauthorized
action against Cuba.
- An informant who has furnished reliable information in
the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised
that these individuals are afraid that the assassination of the President
may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them and,
although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination.
- The substance of the foregoing information was orally
furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain
William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963,
by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau.
- ***Verbatim Reproduction of 22 November 1963 Kitchel
- B ***Verbatim Reproduction of 22 November 1963 Kitchel
- TO: SAC, HOUSTON DATE:
- FROM: SA GRAHAM W. KITCHEL
- SUBJECT: UNKNOWN SUBJECT;
- ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
- JOHN F. KENNEDY
- At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE H. W. BUSH, President of the
Zapata Off-Shore Drilling Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar,
Houston, telephonically furnished the following information to writer by
long distance telephone call from Tyler, Texas.
- BUSH stated that he wanted to be kept confidential but
wanted to furnish hearsay that he recalled hearing in recent weeks, the
day and source unknown. He stated that one JAMES PARROTT has been talking
of killing the President when he comes to Houston.
- BUSH stated that PARROTT is possibly a student at the
University of Houston and is active in political matters in this area.
He stated that he felt Mrs. FAWLEY, telephone number SU 2-5239, or ARLINE
SMITH, telephone number JA 9-9194 of the Harris County Republican Party
Headquarters would be able to furnish additional information regarding
the identity of PARROTT.
- BUSH stated that he was proceeding to Dallas, Texas,
would remain in the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel and return to his residence on
11-23-63. His office telephone number is CA 2-0395.
- Stephen M. St. John Post Office Box 449 New York, NY
10185 212 534 5024 email@example.com