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Jewish Leaders Worried
About 'One-State' Solution

By James D. Besser
Washington Correspondent
The Jewish Week
11-19-3

When a delegation of young legal advisers to the Palestinian Authority were in Washington recently, they made their usual pitch about settlements and Israel's new security fence.
 
But not far from the surface was a new argument with old overtones: support for a two-state solution to the conflict is rapidly waning among Palestinians, they said. Instead, more and more are supporting the creation of a single, binational democratic state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean.
 
That idea has generated little interest in Washington, mostly because it is a blatant prescription for the quick elimination of the Jewish state.
 
But Jewish leaders are worried. In some quarters - including across Europe and on campuses at home - "it will be a seductive idea," said Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League.
 
"It's a serious movement," he said. "We've seen how effectively the Palestinians and their supporters can mobilize their propaganda machinery."
 
Observers said the one-state movement will throw new, uncomfortable international attention on Jewish settlements, which in much of the world are regarded as proof that Israel isn't serious about allowing a Palestinian state.
 
The movement is also energizing Israel's far right wing, which is using it to justify a revival of their "greater Israel" ideology. In major newspaper ads this week in Israel, right-wing groups revealed new statistics countering the widespread belief that the Palestinian population would soon surpass the population of Israeli Jews, justifying in their eyes Israel's continued presence in the West Bank and Gaza.
 
 
And it comes at a time of increased criticism of Israel policy at home. Last week, four former security chiefs who served under both Labor and Likud governments castigated Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in the Yediot Achronot newspaper for his refusal to talk to Palestinian President Yasir Arafat, his settlement policies and the controversial security fence that critics say will cut deep into Palestinian territory and make statehood even harder to attain.
 
Those policies, the former Shin Bet chiefs said, are dashing Palestinians' hopes for their own state alongside Israel.
 
"The Palestinians are arguing, 'You wanted two states, and instead you are closing us up in a South African reality,'" said Avraham Shalom, who headed the agency from 1980 to 1986. "Therefore, the more we support the fence, they lose their dream and hope for an independent Palestinian state."
 
The single-state movement may be just a gambit intended to put new international pressure on Israel and further isolate the Jewish state. But Jewish leaders fear it's a gambit likely to garner huge support in a world in which sympathy for Israel is in scarce supply.
 
"It's an attempt to hoist Israel on its own democratic petard," said David Harris, executive director of the American Jewish Committee. "It could be nothing more than a negotiating ploy, but my instinct tells me it's something much more significant."
 
Harris compared it to the 1975 UN resolution equating Zionism with racism.
 
But like other Jewish leaders, Harris warned that to avoid the looming train wreck, Israel will have to find a way out of the current negotiating impasse.
 
"This movement is a sobering reminder that the current status quo can't continue, that peace is a strategic necessity," he said.
 
Palestinian supporters insist the new direction for Palestinian activism represents genuine despair, not a new gambit to attract world sympathy.
 
"It's not that they want a unitary state," said Edward Abington, a former State Department official and now a consultant to the Palestinian Authority. "What the Palestinians want is their own state, in the West Bank and Gaza, a sovereign state. But increasingly they feel there is less and less of a possibility for that to happen. That inexorably leads them to look at alternatives."
 
Abington pointed to surveys by the Palestinian pollster Khalil Shikaki suggesting that some 28 percent of Palestinians now support the single-state idea. And some of the top PA legal advisers, including the ones who have visited Washington several times in recent months, are publicly raising the issue.
 
"They feel that with the settlements, with the transfer of a large number of Israelis into the West Bank and Gaza and with the building of the wall, a two-state solution is close to not being viable," Abington said.
 
Adding to the pressure, he said, is the perception of a "lack of any credible moves by the Bush administration to move toward the goal of statehood."
 
The PA still officially supports creation of a Palestinian state alongside the Jewish one, he said, but "I think we are very close to the point where you can't have two states, with a viable Palestinian state."
 
Most pro-Israel leaders dismiss such comments as a glossy new veneer for an old goal - the elimination of the State of Israel.
 
"The Palestinians, having finally figured out they cannot dislodge Israel by violence and terror, or by attempts at boycotts and diplomatic isolation, have come upon a nonviolent 'democratic' way of eradicating the state," Harris said. "From the Palestinian point of view, there's a strong internal logic to the approach."
 
Harris dismissed the claim that settlements have made Palestinian statehood impossible.
 
"The settlements are an issue," he said, "but they are not the principal issue. The principal issue is and remains the willingness of the Palestinians to recognize the legitimacy and the right of a Jewish state to exist in the region."
 
But Israel can't wait forever for a negotiated settlement, Harris said.
 
"The inescapable fact is, the demographic ratios in the region are shifting," he said. "Israel cannot live with that reality forever without making decisions."
 
Most Jewish leaders agree that the one-state movement is still just a blip on the Mideast radar screen. But the idea is gaining currency in some circles.
 
"In Europe, this is already starting to resonate because they are already so predisposed to dismiss Israel's right to exist," said a top pro-Israel activist here. "This idea could give many Europeans a new and legitimate-sounding hook for their hostility to Israel. They'll hear the 'let's have a democracy' side of the equation and ignore the fact that it would spell the end of the Jewish state."
 
The idea is also starting to exert its pull in American intellectual circles. A recent ferocious exchange in the New York Review of Books centered on the argument that a Jewish Israel has become an "anachronism" justifying the one-state solution.
 
Rabbi Michael Lerner, editor of Tikkun magazine and leader of the activist community built around the left-of-center publication, said the idea is "gaining support" in left-wing circles in this country.
 
The Tikkun community, he said, "opposes the one-state solution on pragmatic grounds: There is no constituency for it in Israel, so the fight for a one-state solution would inevitably lead to a long postponement of the ending of the occupation or the easing of the pain of the refugees."
 
And most Tikkun activists, Rabbi Lerner said, "believe that the Jewish people still need a state of our own as an affirmative action measure to overcome the centuries of Jewish powerlessness and to protect us in a world that has not yet overcome anti-Semitism."
 
But a growing minority, he said, "is arguing the other way - that the one-state solution is the only way to achieve democratic rights for the Palestinian people and to counter the nationalist chauvinism of the Israeli right."
 
Rabbi Lerner said a majority in his group still supports a two-state solution and is actively promoting the unofficial Geneva accord, which follows the outlines of the agreements almost worked out three years ago at Camp David and Taba.
 
"This is the struggle taking place inside our community," he said. "So far, a majority is on the side of Geneva and the two-state solution, though I doubt that can hold for more than a few more years unless the occupation actually ends."
 
And the one-state idea is starting to exert its pull on American college campuses, where support for the Palestinians is strong and Jewish students are on the defensive.
 
Last week Rabbi Eric Yoffie, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, warned that "This is not a doomsday scenario for the distant future. This argument is being made right now on talk shows and college campuses and is evoking a positive response."
 
Rabbi Yoffie, speaking to the Reform group's biennial conference in Minneapolis, castigated the Sharon government for its settlements policies.
 
"Americans see little reason to oppose a single state for Palestinians and Israelis that offers equal rights for all," he said. "Yet if settlements continue to grow and we are committed to democracy, we have no convincing response to offer."
 
But other Jewish activists say the single-state movement is a reversion to the traditional Palestinian rejection of Israel.
 
"It's back to the future," said Jess Hordes, Washington representative for ADL. "This has been the traditional Palestinian way of rejecting the right of a Jewish state to exist, so it's extremely troubling to see it raised again. To the extent that it's a reversion, it doesn't speak well for any future peacemaking."
 
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