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Woodward's 'Bush At War' -
An Invisible Agenda?

By Joseph Ehrlich
Senderberl@aol.com
11-19-2

 
SenderBerl Deep Analysis: Woodward's Bush at War
SenderBerl asserts that Woodward's Book has a dark invisible agenda...
 
The following is extracted from the Washington Times. When reading it ask where is the power between Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Powell. We address it below.
 
On Aug. 5, Bush summoned Powell and Rice for what turned out to be a long meeting on Iraq where Powell drove home his arguments against a direct attack on Iraq that could, in Woodward's words, "suck the oxygen out of just about everything else the United States was doing, not only in the war on terrorism but also in all other diplomatic, defense and intelligence relationships."
 
"It's nice to say we can do it unilaterally," Woodward said Powell told the president, "except you can't." Bush, Woodward continued, seemed intrigued.
 
The president said he preferred to have an international coalition like the one he built to deal with Afghanistan. As a matter of diplomacy, Powell said he thought the president and the administration could bring most countries along.
 
The secretary felt the discussion became tense several times as he pressed, but in the end he believed that he had left nothing unsaid, Woodward wrote.
 
"That was terrific," Rice said the next day in a phone call to Powell, "and we need to do more of those." The tip-off about the potential importance of that evening was when White House Chief of Staff Andrew H. Card Jr. also called the next day and asked Powell to come over and give him the same presentation, notes and all, Woodward's account said.
 
Powell made his arguments to seek support through the United Nations again in a meeting via video feed between Washington and the president in Crawford, Texas and at that point even the vice president and the secretary of defense agreed.
 
***
 
Finally, as the speech Bush would deliver on Iraq at the United Nations was drafted, the president decided he would include a line saying he would use the United Nations and seek a new resolution on Iraq despite continuing opposition arguments from Cheney and Rumsfeld.
Two days before the speech, however, the 21st draft did not include language asking the United Nations to do anything. At still another meeting without Bush present, Cheney and Powell argued over the language and, Woodward wrote, Powell was still not sure he had won the point.
 
The night before the speech Bush spoke to Powell and Rice to say he had decided he would ask for new U.N. resolutions and that he wanted to make that statement himself, in the speech text.
 
But when Bush, speaking the General Assembly hall, reached that portion of the speech the change in the text had not been inserted into the TelePrompTer version.
 
But Bush then ad-libbed the line, saying, "We will work with the U.N. Security Council for the necessary resolutions." Powell's policy victory had been accomplished.
 
The next day Iraq announced that it would admit new weapons inspectors, although few within the administration believed it was sincere.
 
The president proceeded after the U.N. speech as if he were willing to give the United Nations a chance, and his public rhetoric softened. Instead of speaking only about regime change, Bush began in his subsequent speeches to say a military option was not his first choice.
 
This was all a victory for Powell, Woodward wrote, but perhaps only a momentary one. The scaled-down rhetoric did mean that the president could say no to Cheney and Rumsfeld, but it did not mean a lessening of Bush's fierce determination. "As always, it was an ongoing struggle for the president's heart and mind," Woodward wrote.
 
On Nov. 8, the U.N. Security Council approved a new resolution, 15 to 0, ordering Iraq to admit weapons inspectors. In a Rose Garden statement, the president praised Powell "for his leadership, his good work and his determination over the past two months."
    
SenderBerl: One has to remember that Woodward doesn't get this access to the President and the power players in the Cabinet without a price. What we believe Bush wants to do here is set forth history in what is seen as real time versus later historical assessment where those who speak are out of power and tell the real truth of what happened during this critical period of history.
 
Here Bush allows Cheney, Rumsfeld and Powell to speak to Woodward, recording their memoirs real time, so that later they are precluded from changing what really took place. This is an incredible ruse to hide the truth of what took place.
 
Do you really think someone lifted a line from the President's approved UN speech? This is a form of historical manipulation never before deployed. It boxes in those carrying the truth, especially Powell, from later clarifying it because then he will be shown to be a real time liar to the American public. How does Woodward cover his own collusion into this perceived scenario? By including segments in the book reflecting a softened blow against Bush's dictatorial approach, as follows:
 
The president emerged wearing a New York Fire Department windbreaker. He raised his arm and gave a thumbs-up to the crowd on the third base side of the field. Probably 15,000 fans threw their arms in the air imitating the motion.
 
He then threw a strike from the rubber, and the stadium erupted. Watching from owner George Steinbrenner's box, Karl Rove thought, It's like being at a Nazi rally." (p. 277)
 
Woodward then writes that Bush showed great courage in what he did that day. Let us wait to comment on that facet since we believe like his dad that he is not without courage. However, if things get dire and dark, let us see whether President Bush remains with the public, or hunkers down with school children from the Florida reading stories in the government bunker.
 
Conclusion: The Woodward book is a new dimension of political propaganda in precluding those who might reveal the truth in the future from doing so. Powell whose tenure with Bush may be short was probably the primary target of this effort. Very brilliant but very scary that with everything going on today that our oil cartel NWO group made the time to conceive and hatch this plan. Why else would the President and his power staff commit to TAPED INTERVIEWS WITH WOODWARD AT THIS EARLY POINT OF TIME IN CRITICAL HISTORY?
 
Look at the following excerpt:
 
Update: It appears that Woodward had much better access to Powell than to Cheney or Rumsfeld and therefore Woodward's narrative tends to describe the internal disagreements and events from Powell's perspective. Woodward may even favor Powell's viewpoint because he appears to not try to make arguments for why the opposing viewpoint may be reasonable. There are questions I'd like to put to Mr. Powell which Woodward doesn't appear to address. For instance, does Mr. Powell really believe that inspections can work? Or is he just in favor of inspections as a necessary prelude for getting governments iin the Middle East more supportive of a US move against the Iraqi regime? Does he want the inspections as a way to allow Middle Easterners to see that Saddam will not be reasonable? Exactly what does he expect the UN inspections to accomplish?
 
http://www.parapundit.com/archives/000644.html
 
Let's be frank that Powell will not describe events today to the public as he would later on if things turn truly dire and dark and he's out as Secretary of State. From where we sit, Woodward was Bush's shill in committing Powell, allowing him to criticize all he wanted to preclude his changing his story in the future. This suggests that Powell may be out of his position in the immediate to intermediate future, because this was all done possibly to eliminate Powell and bring in a NWO oil cartel player into his slot.
 
Who will the divided NWO seek to reveal to the American public what is really going on in the Bush White House? Powell. However, he has already spoken and has already offered his criticisms. To explain them after his removal will be played as sour grapes and worse.
 
Think about it. Whether or not Powell goes, depending on what unfolds, Bush, in our opinion, has written history for this period of time, hiding many truths of his true motives and intent. Seeing Woodward being given this incredible access was highly suspicious, knowing that President Bush and his Cabinet really do have a lot of important work to do other than worrying what they are going to record for history.
 
End Analysis
 
Joseph Ehrlich
Sender, Berl & Sons Inc.
November 19, 2002







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