Another View Of Nuclear Israel
And The Middle East Arms Race

By John Loftus and Mark Aarons

The Secret War Against The Jews How Western Espionage Betrayed The Jewish People St. Martin's Press, New York, 1994 - ISBN 0-312-11057-X
Chapter 13 The Final Solution Revisited
The history books on nuclear proliferation have been quite harsh regarding Israel's decision to join the atomic club. The popular view . . is that Israel's nuclear program set off an arms race in the Middle East. Our sources say that the popular view is completely wrong. The Arab arms race had begun long before the Israeli atom bomb project. Indeed, Western covert aid to Arab nations to construct weapons of genocide was the very reason Israel began the program in the first place. In this chapter we address the following allegations made by our sources in the intelligence community:
* Several Western nations, including France, Britain, West Germany, and the United States, recruited Nazi scientists for their expertise in biological and chemical warfare.
* Israeli intelligence penetrated Western intelligence and discovered that Nazi genocidal research was being shared with several Arab states.
* France and West Germany were blackmailed into supporting the development of the Israeli atom bomb. * The Israeli decision actually to construct its first A-bomb was motivated in part by the resurgence of former Fascists in Western countries, particularly in the political campaign staffs of Richard Nixon.
One of the side effects of the Liberty incident was that President Johnson agreed to stop pressuring Israel to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, much to the surprise of his aides.(1) Furthermore, he ordered that all intelligence operations with the British against Israeli nuclear programs be stopped. For a brief time Israel was regarded as the "main ally" of the United States, and Arab oil was not as important to American interests.(2)
For Israel, the paramount lesson of the Liberty incident was that the United States could not be trusted and that it must be responsible for, and able to, defend itself. The Israelis knew that it would be just a matter of time before Nasser regrouped his armies for the final solution of the "Jewish question." Next time the Jews would not have to depend on tanks, guns, and planes. They would have the atomic bomb.
Much of the history of the Israeli nuclear weapons program was ably documented in Seymour Hersh's book, The Sampson Option. Yet a number of our sources among the former intelligence officers say that Hersh's seminal account missed several important points.(3) It is true that Israel benefited substantially from French scientific advice; however, after 1967, the French terminated all weapons support for Israel in a fawning attempt to please the Arab oil kingdoms. Despite the ban, the Israelis were able to convince the French contractors to finish their work on the nuclear weapons project. The Israelis had several threats to use against the French government. As previously discussed, the Zionists had penetrated the Vatican's Nazi smuggling networks fairly thoroughly. As a result, they were aware of President Charles de Gaulle's scandalous role in recruiting Fascist fugitives as French agents to fight the Communists in the Balkans in the immediate post-World War 2 years. As fully documented in our previous books, these anti-Soviet groups were organized in various fronts, such as Intermarium and later the Christian Front, headed by Paul Reynaud. French intelligence ran them until the British secret service took them over in the second half of 1946.(4)
Equally scandalous was the cover-up of the Vichy government's role in Nazi atrocities. Some Frenchmen were themselves wanted Nazis and were smuggled down the Ratline under the watchful eyes of Jewish intelligence. Many more benefited from de Gaulle's cover-up and simply resumed their lives in postwar France. The scandal still endures; only recently have some of the French mass murderers, including Vichy officials, been exposed and a handful charged.
In fact, the Zionist intelligence service in France knew that several prominent members of de Gaulle's administration had been secret Nazi collaborators, among them Andre Francois-Poncet, the prewar French ambassador to Berlin. During the war Francois-Poncet had become an informant for SS intelligence, reporting to Klaus Barbie, the Butcher of Lyons. Another of Barbie's informants was Henri Lebrun, later an important member of the French judiciary.
After the war Francois-Poncet became the French high commissioner for Occupied Germany as well as head of the International Committee of the Red Cross. As discussed in Chapter 6, instead of hunting Nazis, Francois-Poncet was helping Allen Dulles smuggle them out of Europe. He had little difficulty in supplying Dulles with all the Red Cross passports he needed. In our previous book we detailed how the Francois-Poncet Lebrun cover-up gave Dulles considerable leverage in French intelligence affairs. Dulles's mistake was allowing James Jesus Angleton to develop his own French liaison, a connection that some say was instrumental in the Zionists' acquisition of French secrets.(5)
According to a number of our sources, the Zionists discovered that the French were giving passports to a few Nazi scientists and relocating them in North Africa. Their curiosity aroused, the Zionists tagged along and discovered that the French were building a massive testing range for atomic, biological, and chemical weapons in its colony.(6) It was a hideous place. The brutal Nazi experiments on human beings at Auschwitz had produced a bewildering series of poisons. The French had captured German stocks of Tabun, Sarin, and even more toxic nerve gases, which could kill on skin contact. In addition the Germans had developed new and more virulent strains of anthrax, typhus, cholera, malaria and plague.(7)
The French were secretly testing the Nazi formulas and compounds on farm animals and then building a secret network of factories and research institutes to carry on the work that Hitler had started. This was, of course, a flagrant violation of France's public promise to shun chemical and biological warfare.(8) Seymour Hersh knew only that the French had conducted atomic experiments at a secret base in North Africa. He did not know that the base at Beni Ounif was also the heart of de Gaulle's effort to manufacture the same chemical and bacteriological substances that the Nazis had developed in their human experiments at Auschwitz and elsewhere. The Israelis knew. They had penetrated the base from the outset and were using the germ warfare scandal to blackmail their way into the heart of the French illegal weapons program.(9)
No matter how furious de Gaulle and other French leaders became at Israel, their military intelligence advisers cautioned them not to push the Jews too hard. Even after the French government publicly halted the sale of tactical weapons to Israel in 1967, the French contractors finished the plutonium factory at Dimona. The French-lsraeli covert weapons program continued in secret despite the arms embargo. Apart from the blackmail of Beni Ounif, there was a second, and even more practical reason for the French to continue clandestine cooperation with the Israeli nuclear effort: It was the French scientific community that was piggybacking on Israel's research, not the other way around.(10)
In the field of chemical weapons, for example, the Israelis had perfected the use of Atabrine as an antidote to the Nazi nerve gases. In terms of atomic research, the Israelis had such a wealth of scientists that they had no need of French aid. Indeed, the head of the French nuclear weapons project was himself a Jew, with strong sympathies for Israel. In addition to scientific expertise, the Israelis had something else that the French lacked: an ample supply of enriched uranium and a place to test an atomic bomb in secret. Not in Israel, of course. In a manner of speaking, the Israeli nuclear weapons program was hidden inside West Germany.(11)
As previously discussed, John Mclntyre was a U.S. intelligence agent assigned to General Reinhard Gehlen's headquarters in the late 1940s. The CIA had established a base at Pullach for Gehlen, where the remnants of Wehrmacht and SS intelligence were housed along with considerable numbers of German scientists.(l2)
During the war the scientists, scholars, and physicians of the Third Reich had conducted very advanced research into biological and chemical warfare, including live testing on human beings. Allen Dulles's client, I.G. Farben, had equipped the Nazis with the largest pathological laboratory and pressurized gas chamber in the world. The Soviet gulags may have used more human beings as guinea pigs for military weapons, but Auschwitz was the most sophisticated research facility ever built for testing toxic compounds on people. In fact, the infamous Dr. losef Mengele was only one of a team of German physicians at Auschwitz performing contract work for the prestigious Kaiser Wilhelm Medical Institute in Berlin. The "Brain Cancer" section was the Nazi cover for the biological and chemical warfare program.(13)
Only now are traces of this research, which had been buried by the German medical community, beginning to emerge in the declassified files of Western intelligence.(14) In fact, German doctors and scientists have popularized the view that Hitler forbade any research in biological and chemical weapons because he had been terribly scarred by chemical warfare in World War 1. The newly declassified German documents reveal this to be a lie. During World War 2 scores of German universities, physicians, and scientists volunteered to participate in a massive research program to turn the tide of war against the Soviets.(l5)
One of the reasons for continued silence is that prestigious Western institutions, such as the French Curie Clinic, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the Carnegie Fund, all played a part in German scientific research before the war began, and many German scientists resumed their lucrative Western connections when the war was over.(16) To be fair, most of the German biological warfare scientists went to the French and British after the war; the Americans concentrated largely on nuclear physicists and rocket research. Such companies as Dow Chemicals, W. R. Grace, Imperial Chemical Industries, and Poudre were the new employers of choice for fugitive German scientists.(17) Some, like Josef Mengele, were too well known for their war crimes and eventually had to be smuggled down the Ratline.(18)
By the late 1950s a large pool of fugitive German scientists lived in Argentina and South Africa. By 1962 the West German government had grown anxious about the fact that President Kennedy might someday pull U.S. troops out of Germany, leaving the country defenseless against the Soviets. Not knowing that the base at Pullach was heavily infiltrated by Communist agents, Bonn commissioned the head of the West German secret service General Gehlen to assist the military with a massive development program for atomic, biological, and chemical weapons.(19) It was all quite illegal, of course. Most of the dirty work was done in foreign countries, such as Argentina.(20)
To Israeli intelligence, it was far worse than illegal; it was horrifying. They knew exactly what General Gehlen was doing. Agent Mclntyre recalled that there had been Jews inside Pullach since the late 1940s. When Mclntyre first arrived at Gehlen's headquarters, he was amused to see a Jewish American air force sergeant walking down the streets of the secret compound, cursing at the "Nazi bastards" and making them get off the sidewalk when he passed. After Israel was born, sections of the Mossad arrived inside Gehlen's base to receive special training. Mclntyre could never understand why the Jews kept quiet about what was going on.
While the naive Americans in the CIA took Gehlen's assurances that he was not employing war criminals at face value, the Israelis knew who the killers were and quietly blackmailed them. Gehlen could not expose the Israeli penetration program without revealing some of his darkest secrets to the Americans. Even he had no idea how many of his staff also were reporting to Tel Aviv. Gehlen hid the secret from his own superiors in Bonn, in order to preserve the fiction of the incomparable spy master.
Consequently, in the mid-1950s when Dulles's agent, Miles Copeland, asked Gehlen for scientists to help Nasser's military program, the Israelis were promptly informed that the Americans were using German war criminals to help the Arabs build a rocket. As previously discussed, Copeland tried to cover his tracks by claiming that he only recruited "incompetent" Nazis, but that was a lie. Through the Gehlen network of former Nazis, "Egypt was engaging Germans not by the dozen, but by the score." One former SS aeronautical construction specialist personally interviewed 220 men for work on the Egyptian rocket program.(21) And he was only one of many recruiters.
To his dismay, Copeland discovered that the Israelis had a few Nazis of their own on the payroll and had thoroughly penetrated Gehlen's operations. They knew that Copeland's "incompetent" Nazis were really skilled technicians and scientists. They were not about to sit back and let the Americans curry favor with Nasser by helping him build a missile capable of hitting Israel. The Israelis stopped the rocket program not by public exposure but by a series of assassinations and letter bombs. {survival!}
Why didn't the Jews go public? The answer is that they could not expose the Dulles-Gehlen connection without revealing their sources inside Gehlen's Pullach compound. It was their only reliable window into the seamier side of Western intelligence. Gehlen spied on everyone: the French, the British, the Americans, even his own government.(22)
In 1962 one extremely well informed British journalist was tracking the activities of a Nazi cell in the Middle East. His friends in Israeli intelligence showed him a series of letters between one Nazi in Egypt and an other in West Germany. This demonstrated that Israeli intelligence was able to intercept German mail, copy it, and then forward it to its intended recipient.(23) The reporter had discovered only one small part of a very much bigger Israeli operation.
According to several of the "old spies," by blackmailing General Gehlen the Israelis actually gained widespread access to letter opening, wire tapping, and coded communications inside Germany. Bonn did not know it, but Gehlen was spying on his own superiors, not to mention most of the West German population. Since Gehlen's organization was an integral part of NATO, the West German base gave the Jews unparalleled access to the nastier side of Western intelligence operations as well.(24) If the Israelis blew the whistle, the Germans would launch a massive house-cleaning operation at Pullach and the Jews' sources might be swept away along with the general.
Whatever Gehlen saw, the Israelis saw. According to some sources, it was Gehlen's copy of American intelligence reports on French experiments in chemical and biological warfare that tipped off the Israelis about the French North African testing range. The French were not alone in these types of experiments. The Americans filed quarterly reports on the progress of each country's efforts to expand on the Nazi germ and gas research. Nearly a dozen European nations had scientists working full time on perfecting the illegal weapons of the Third Reich. There were just too many scientists for another assassination or letter bomb program similar to that used against Copeland's Nazis in the 1950s.(25)
Even if the Jews had been able to kill all the French Nazi scientists, the British-controlled Germans alone would have been able to carry on with the program. The British had sent their Nazi scientists to play on a 1,000-square-mile testing range in Canada.(26) On the other side of the Cold War, the Soviets had built an entire city around the Nazi nerve gas factories that had been moved piece by piece to the Soviet Union.(27) In sum, all of the Allies had Nazis on the payroll.
By the early 1960s the Jews knew that some of Copeland's "incompetent" Nazis in Egypt were already working on gas and germ warfare and testing it in their war against the Yemeni royalists. As The Sunday Telegraph reported in mid-1963, the gas and bacteriological weapons could be delivered by conventional bombs or by missiles.(28) Over the next few years there were numerous reports of Egyptian use of mustard and other poison gases and suggestions of various bacteriological attacks as well.(29)
The Egyptians' rudimentary program was nothing compared to the sophisticated formulas developed by the various Western nations. Still, Nasser had more than enough tools to do horrible damage to the Jews, and it was only a matter of time before one of the Western nations shared its more advanced Nazi weapons expertise with the Arabs. As Jonathan Pollard later discovered to his horror, that is exactly what occurred in the 1970s and 1980s. The German nerve gas factories recently constructed in Libya and Iraq are using the identical formulas perfected on Jews at Auschwitz.(30)
Many people have criticized the nation of Israel for commencing a nuclear bomb program. As already discussed, President Kennedy begged the Jews not to introduce atomic weapons to the Middle East and offered them $600 million to build a nuclear powered freshwater desalinization plant instead. Tel Aviv refused the offer and plowed 10 percent of its national budget into the Dimona facility, a move that some people believed irrational.
Many of the former intelligence officers we interviewed on this subject say that theJews had no other choice. During the 1950s the proliferation of Nazi technology in chemical and biological warfare had spread like wildfire around the world. Nasser already had his Nazi scientists on the job, and soon the Arabs would perfect these weapons of mass destruction for use against the Jews. A few suitcases full of Rycin could effectively poison the entire national water system of Israel. A truckload of canisters filled with Soman nerve gas released downwind could wipe out the population of Tel Aviv in an afternoon. A barrier of anthrax spores in the soil would isolate Beersheba for decades.(31)
The Israelis were not paranoid. The threat of another "final solution" was, in fact, increasing every year. As American intelligence reports now confirm, the Soviet Union had taken the Nazi human experiments and developed new forms of toxic warfare. By the mid-1950s the Soviets had produced enough Nazi nerve gas to poison the population of the world several times over. Huge stockpiles of anthrax, plague, and "designer bacteria" were in place in each Soviet city. In the event of war, barriers of poison ground would isolate Soviet cities from invaders. More frightening, the Soviets had developed new offensive systems of germ warfare for genocide.(32)
There is little defense against this kind of attack, and what few antidotes exist are withheld from the public as military secrets. One of the best examples of this is Movidyn, a substance that the Soviets discovered in their satellite state of Czechoslovakia way back in the 1950s. Movidyn is a form of colloidal silver, odorless, tasteless, and cheaper to produce than chlorine disinfectants. One part per billion of powdered Movidyn in water has a germicidal effect. In a study of infected wells, it completely destroyed typhus, malaria, cholera, and amoebic dysentery. Drinking containers washed in Movidyn retained their germ-fighting abilities for several weeks.(33) Movidyn seems to be a cost-effective prophylactic for most of the waterborne diseases that infect the Third World. To the astonishment of the Soviet military, Movidyn also disinfected every germ warfare bacteria in the Soviet arsenal, even their newest designer poisons. In other words, Movidyn was too good. The Czech factory was disassembled and carted back to the Soviet Union. To this day, the Movidyn formula seems to have been suppressed from the world, but then so have reports of germ warfare experiments that went wrong. Every country, including the United States, has a few skeletons in its closet when it comes to research on weapons of genocide.(34)
The fact that the Soviets went to such lengths to develop antidotes to chemical and biological warfare techniques is testimony to the devastating effects they can have on the defenses of any nation, let alone the tiny nation of Israel. It also would be naive to think that such weapons are too frightening to use in war. The Japanese army successfully used germ warfare, including plague, against the population of China during World War 2. Recently declassified Japanese files indicate that they intended to conquer Australia with rats infected with bubonic plague, cholera, anthrax, typhoid, and hemorrhagic fever.(35) The U.S. Air Force dropped potato bugs on Nazi Germany to destroy crops. Saddam Hussein used both nerve gas and germ warfare against the Iraqi Kurds. There are too many precedents to ignore.(36) {See also "Precendents for AIDS?: Chemical-Biological Warfare, Medical Experiments, and Population Control" by Robert Lederer, Covert Action Information Bulletin #28, Summer 1987 - which begins with a listing of various U.S. biological attacks on Cuba's livestock (swine fever) and agriculture (blue mold and rust disease).}
The Israelis always have known that, sooner or later, someone would think about targeting them. The genie of germ warfare had been let out of the bottle by the Nazi laboratory at Auschwitz. During the 1950s and early 1960s they watched nation after nation perfect the technology. Even if the Jews went public, the Western governments would deny that they were using Nazi scientists to research illegal weapons of genocide. Probably all that would happen from such a pronouncement would be that Western nations would simply do a better job of concealing their toxic warfare programs. No one in the West would give up the Nazi scientists, not as long as the Communists were using them too.(37)
The Soviets were relying on germ and gas warfare as their primary defense, for their atomic program lagged several years behind that of the West. By 1948, the Soviets had the bomb, but no guidance system for missiles to transport it. The military depended on radio beacons inside each Soviet embassy to home the missiles in, an unreliable and extremely vulnerable system that remained in effect until the 1960s. Stalin and his successors would not give up their germ warfare programs-at least they knew they worked.
In the short run, only international agreement might have some effect on stopping the programs. The Israelis recognized that the Western governments had sat silent during one Holocaust and might well do so again for the sake of their Middle East oil supplies. The Jews knew from bitter experience that the West had shown more interest in recruiting Nazis than hunting them.
The Israelis' brief spurt of Nazi hunting in the 1960s met with little success. The Eichmann kidnapping in 1960 had aroused the ire of South American governments, which encouraged a wave of anti-Semitic attacks against Jews in Latin America. The West German minister of "refugee resettlement," Theodore Oberlander, was charged in the 1960s with war crimes while in command of the Nazi Nachtigall Brigade, but dozens of his grateful Ukrainian Fascist subordinates testified on his behalf and obtained an acquittal. Nobody believed the Jewish witnesses.
TheJewish press in the United States, Canada, and Australia identified a series of Nazi war criminals, but nothing was done. In fact, the Australian government simply blackmailed its tiny Jewish population of Holocaust survivors into silence. They were told to shut up about Nazi emigres living "down under," or all the money they were sending to Israel would be frozen permanently. In frustration at the West's cynicism, the Israeli government told their Nazi hunters to close up shop.(38)
It was a case of "if you can't beat them, join them." The reluctance of the Western nations to pursue Nazi war criminals was a small but critical factor in Israel's decision to go nuclear. As long as the Nazi scientists roamed around free, their genocide research would continue. In the long run, the Jews would never find an antidote to every germ and gas weapon, but in the short run, they could build a deterrent. Ironically, the old Nazis in Pullach would help them build the atomic bomb.
The problem for Israel was not nuclear technology. The Israelis had enough skilled scientists to solve the design problem. The French contractors provided the machinery to build a plutonium reprocessor. The real obstacles were a constant supply of uranium and a remote test site. Israel has only trace amounts of uranium in its soil, which would be prohibitively expensive to retrieve. Even if enough was scraped together, the country is so small that an atomic detonation, even underground, would be detected easily. The Germans solved both problems. Argentina had a large natural supply of uranium and an equally large contingent of Nazi scientists. Dunng the early 1960s a senior West German diplomat in Buenos Aires, who had long been involved with the intelligence service, successfully negotiated a trade treaty with the Argentine government. A secret annex to the treaty was discovered years later by one of our sources, a member of the Argentine Foreign Ministry. The secret protocol called for the West German government to finance a massive Argentine effort to process enriched uranium. The West Germans secretly provided funding as well as reactor design technology they had obtained under a license from the American Westinghouse Corporation.(39)
A similar protocol was executed with South Africa, which had an equally large contingent of Nazi Germans. There the scientists would take the enriched Argentine plutonium, design a crude but effective tactical nuclear warhead, and test it. The West German government, despite its public allegiance to nuclear arms control, was, in fact, responsible for the single largest proliferation of nuclear arms technology in the world.(40)
Bonn was astounded when the Mossad revealed its knowledge of the entire scheme and demanded a continuous supply source of uranium as the price for continued silence. In March 1968, even before the Argentine facilities were fully on line, the West German intelligence service arranged for the first illegal diversion of enriched uranium to Israel.(41) Shortly afterward, the Dimona reactor began producing weapons-grade plutonium. Israel's decision to join the nuclear club in 1968 was prompted by several factors, not the least being the U.S. decision to join the arms embargo against Israel after the 1967 war. The Arab states, of course, continued to receive massive arms shipments from the Soviets, while the Western states continued their chemical and biological warfare programs.
In 1968 Henry Kissinger, a campaign adviser for Nelson Rockefeller's bid for the Republican nomination for that year's presidential election, told the Israeli leaders the facts of life. In essence, Kissinger's stated policy was that the West should stand by and do nothing if Israel was attacked by Soviet missiles. The Jews were on their own. The United States would not risk starting World War 3 over Arab territories occupied by the Jews, and Moscow knew it.(42)
A few months after Kissinger's bombastic lecture, the first Israeli nuclear bomb was assembled. The State of Israel quietly and efficiently had achieved the counterweapon to ensure its long-term survival. As long as the Jews could wipe out the Nazi scientists and their Arab sponsors with a nuclear strike, the threat of chemical and biological attack from the Arabs would remain on hold. The code name given to the first Israeli bomb: "NEVER AGAIN." (43)
It is an axiom among the Western press that the Jews make too much of the Holocaust and that Israel is paranoid about its security. The truth is that the Israeli policy has been to keep quiet about the subject, especially when it touched Western aid to Nazis. As will be seen here, the Israeli decision to go nuclear in 1968 also coincided with the emergence of ex-Nazis in Richard Nixon's campaign to become president of the United States.
Twenty years after the birth of Israel, the Nazis were coming out of the closet in the United States. One of the most prominent Eastern European Fascists was Laszlo Pasztor, the founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council. During World War II Pasztor was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.(44) As a member of a wartime "movement hostile to the United States," Pasztor would have been barred by the Displaced Persons' Act from entering the United States. However, in the first year of the Eisenhower administration, that act was replaced by the Refugee Relief Act of 1953. Former members of Fascist governments became eligible for visas, as long as they did not advocate forming a totalitarian government in the United States.(45)
Pasztor labored on the fringes of the Republican party's Ethnic Division during the Eisenhower administration, but the loyal Fascists were always dropped as soon as the election campaign was over. The Ethnic Division was allowed to be active only during presidential campaigns. In 1968 Nixon changed all that. According to Pasztor, Nixon personally promised to establish a permanent ethnic organization in the Republican party if he became president.(46)Nixon kept his promise. As discussed in Chapter 5, the 1972 secret Australian memo revealed that the Nixon administration had discovered that Fascist groups were useful to get out the ethnic votes in several key states. Nixon needed the Nazi vote to avoid another Dewey debacle. Just a few more votes would have made all the difference in Nixon's race against Kennedy in 1960. In several key states, the Eastern European vote could provide the margin for victory in 1968.
The road to temptation was clear, and after Nixon won, he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's "choices for filling emigre slots as the council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations."(47) The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in droves. The policy of the Nixon White House was an "open door" for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN).(48) The ABN, as we documented in our previous book, had been condemned even during the Eisenhower administration as an organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists.(49) Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week.(50)
In late 1971 a series of Nazi scandals hit the press in the United States and President Nixon was accused of being too close to notorious Fascist emigres. On November 10, in a piece headlined "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis," Jack Anderson recapitulated a number of his charges in The Washington Post. Anderson had reported that the president had "invited an ex-Nazi to the White House for a prayer session and that he sent a letter of tribute to a notorious anti-Jewish editor." (51)
The Nixon White House had protested that the president "has never condoned and does not condone anti-Semitism in any form." Anderson agreed but pointed out that "men with histories of Nazi sympathies have managed to endear themselves to the Nixon administration." Five weeks earlier Anderson had cited the case of Dr. Joseph Pauco, "a prominent GOP adviser and White House guest" who was "a pro-Nazi propagandist in Slovakia during World War 2." Pauco may have been a Fascist, but he was a good Christian. Like Pasztor, he too had prayed with the president during his White House visit and was one of the controllers of the Republican party's Heritage Groups Council.(52)
Anderson also had reported previously that both Nixon and Vice President Spiro Agnew had sent warm tributes to Geno Szebedinsky, editor of the Hungarian-American newspaper Magyarsag, "which foams with anti-Semitism." Nixon had written that "his distinguished career . . . is well known to me." In the five weeks since the charge was first made, Nixon had done nothing to repudiate his letter of greetings.(53)
It should be recalled that the State Department told its Australian counterpart that local officials in "several key states" depended on the Nazi vote. In fact, the emigre ethnic factions, such as the Croatian Ustashi, were important in federal elections as well. The "Nixon for President" campaigns appear to have been the primary beneficiary of their support. The president himself needed the Eastern European vote so desperately that he was not about to condemn the Fascist ethnic editors who could reach the voters, even if their hatred of the Jews was well documented.
During Nixon's "Four More Years" campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director. At a two-day organizing convention in November 1971, Pasztor castigated the "ultra-liberal" and leftist Democratic party, which he felt had abandoned ethnic Americans, and boasted of the work he had done to funnel their votes to the Republicans. Several grateful Nixon cabinet members responded with promises of increased federal funding for their favored ethnic groups.(54)
The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense. Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in The Washington Post at the same time as the November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, "the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, {who} was never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job." It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.
In his defense, Pasztor claimed that he was never a Jew-hater and that actually he was trying to rid the Republicans of extremist emigres.(55) If so, he had a funny way of doing it. It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front.(56)
By the 1970s Pasztor wasn't afraid to associate publicly with former supporters of German fascism. Nor did Nixon seem to care, as long as the Germans voted for him. In October 1971 the second All German-American Heritage Group Conference "received a letter of 'warm greetings' from President Nixon and a note of welcome from Mrs. Nixon, who accepted the title of honorary chairman and noted her own German ancestry." It does not take a genius to realize that some of the conference members were not typical German-Americans. Among the Fascist propaganda offered at the conference were advertisements for books that denied that the Final Solution had taken place; one of the featured speakers had argued that the reports of 6 millionJews killed by the Nazis were "part of a Communist-Zionist propaganda effort."(57)
If these were the "moderates" Pasztor was promoting against the "extremists," then the far corners of the right must have been very extreme indeed. Another "moderate" leader was Romanian-born Paul Deac, a vociferous supporter of Nasser and a bigot about black Americans. On one occasion his front group ran a full-page advertisement "attacking federal plans to recruit more Negroes for defense jobs" under the headline "Is Your Job Next?" Deac himself said: "We spend millions and the Negroes get everything and we get nothing." Nothing except from Texaco, that is, which was one of the partners in Aramco's holdings in Saudi Arabia that funded Deac's group.(58)
In fact, the jockeying for power and competition over lucrative funding between so-called moderates and extremists in the Fascist ethnic groups caused more factional fights than did any fundamental political differences. When it suited them, representatives of all factions worked together under the leadership of the Republican party.(59) The evidence is unequivocal that successive Republican leaderships knew exactly what they were doing and with whom they were working. Nixon could not have failed to notice the adverse press the Fascists' relationship with the Republican party was getting, but apparently the votes they could deliver outweighed any doubts he may have had about their credentials.
Pasztor was absolutely self-confident. He knew that even after the press scandals, the Fascists would remain as part of the Nixon team because of the importance of the ethnic Fascist vote as a counter to the Jews. "It was my job to bring [theml into the Republican Heritage Groups Council.... In 1972 we used the Council as the skeleton to build the Heritage Groups for the re-election of the President." (60)
According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know, the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives.(61) The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.
According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War 2 opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what today is called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups.(62)
According to a number of former intelligence officers, Nixon was funding the Nazis in the United States with the taxpayers' money. Each of the ethnic groups was the beneficiary of covert CIA support for "anti-Communist propaganda" that enabled them to publish right-wing newspapers, hold conventions, and generally establish dominance over the democratically inclined, anti-Nazi, ethnic immigrants. For years the money was taken from the ClA's covert accounts and laundered through legitimate organizations, such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty.(63)
The CIA got wise to the illegal funding conduit in 1970 and asked a friendly member of the U.S. Senate to publicly expose the radio stations as covert cash conduits, hoping that the organizations would be abolished. Instead, Nixon issued a top-secret EXCOM, or Executive Committee order, to Henry Kissinger to find a way to save the stations. Kissinger did so, and they were promptly transferred to a quasi-public front under the State Department.(64)
The unwitting head of the new radio front, alarmed at the number of staff complaints about anti-Semitism and pro-Nazi leanings among the ethnic broadcasters, ordered an investigation. State Department Security ran complete background checks on employees and found that many were prominent Fascists. Stanislav Stankievich, for example, was a known war criminal-the Butcher of Borisov in Belarus. The scandal was swept under the rug, and the Nazis stayed on the payroll.(65)
Between the Six Day War in 1967 and the Yom Kippur War of 1973, the Israeli intelligence service watched in silent fury as the Nixon administration hired and gave honored places in public life to the men who had murdered their families. This is not to say that hiring Nixon's Nazis was a program of the American government or even the Republican party. If there is one thing that both Republicans and Democrats agree upon, it is that Nazis are bad. The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were "tar babies" that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. Everyone turned a blind eye.
FBI director Hoover, for example, knew that many of Dulles's "freedom fighters" had backgrounds that disqualified them for legal entry under the Displaced Persons' Act. According to the top-secret files of the International Rescue Committee, Hoover protected himself by removing the FBI from the process of background checks.(66) No one was checking the Nazis' background, except for a few "experts," such as Angleton, who was already in Dulles's pocket.
The Zionists' blackmail of Angleton had a devastating effect on him as well as the Israelis themselves. Angleton hated them, and at the same time that he built his reputation within the CIA as the Jews' best friend, he secretly was betraying them and helping to build Dulles's Fascist "freedom fighter" networks. His best work was an extension of the Vessel fraud, as Angleton covered the ClA's files on Central and Eastern European emigre groups with a cloud of disinformation.(67)
Only the initiated could tell which of the groups were legitimate anti-Communists and which were Dulles's Nazis. To this day, the CIA files for Eastern European Fascist groups are a hodgepodge of error and political fantasy constructed by the emigres themselves. The U.S. intelligence community was crippled by political corruption in the 1950s and to this day has never fully recovered.(68)
The KGB, of course, exploited the confusion fully. Dulles did not know it, but his "refugee" chief, Carmel Offie, was a Communist mole. With Kim Philby running the British end of the emigre operation and Offie an important part of the American side, virtually all of the Cold War projects launched by Richard Nixon, Allen Dulles and Frank Wisner came to an explosive end. The Communists had penetrated the Fascist networks in the United States from top to bottom. The Soviets even were using Dulles's secret lists of relocated Nazis to blackmail potential recruits to work for them. When the Nazis warned the FBI, they were told to keep their mouths shut.(69) Even Hoover swept the scandal under the rug when told there was a Communist agent inside the New York FBI office.
To this day, the CIA still refuses to declassify its files for "Prince" Turkul's network. It is just too embarrassing to admit that the Eastern European Fascist groups, whom Dulles had hired, turned out to be working for the other side. The solution Dulles devised, and that Nixon adopted, was to pretend that the Soviets had never infiltrated the emigre groups. Hoover, in fact, knew the whole story. The FBl's own sources inside the Nazi community kept him apprised of the latest developments, including the extent to which the Nixon campaign put the same agents on the campaign payroll in 1968 who had worked for Dulles from 1948 to 1958.(70) Without particularly referring to Nazis, as Nixon later admitted, Hoover had enough on him "to bring the Temple down." (71) By 1968 Nixon's Nazis had become a permanent fixture of American political life, and Hoover held Nixon in a political headlock.
To be fair, the resurgence of Fascist organizations between 1968 and 1988 was not merely an American phenomenon. The failure of the Allied leadership to pursue Nazi war criminals after World War 2 had disastrous consequences. In Australia, the Eastern European Fascists almost seized regional control of a mainstream conservative political party. In Canada, the Ukrainian Fascist movement controlled the swing vote in several national elections. In Latin America, the Fascists' power reached its peak, with several dictators propped up by force of arms and with the help of ex-Nazi intelligence agents.
The young men who fought for Hitler in the 1940s had become "intelligence consultants" in the 1960s. By then they were in their late forties and early fifties, at the peak of their physical and political health. They in turn trained the "death squads" of South America in SS techniques. As amply documented by Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson in their book on the World Anti-Communist League, Inside the League, the old right and the new right merged beneath the broad umbrella of anticommunism.(72)
The resurgence of the ultra-right around the world would have failed, however, without Japanese funding. Just as Nixon was toying with a few Fascists on the fringe of his 1968 campaign, all across the world Nazi and Asian war criminals were coming out of the closet and forming a sort of Fascist International, called the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), which owed its early start to Allen Dulles's brother, John Foster. (73)
{WACL has had a number of affiliates, and has dropped the name WACL and now calls itself by the more neutral sounding 'U.S. Council for World Freedom'. It has also been known as the 'Council on American Affairs'. Go to <, the website of Political Research Associates, for more information on the World Anti-Communist League.}
In 1948 Foster and General Douglas MacArthur released Japanese war criminals from prison and they immediately formed a thinly disguised neo-Fascist front in Japanese business and politics. One of their proteges, Kishi Nobosuke became prime minister in 1959. During the 1960s the former Japanese Fascists conducted extensive propaganda in the United States, under the umbrella of the WACL.(74) Several sources have linked John Foster Dulles's network of Japanese Fascists into an ongoing covert disinformation campaign in the Western press.(75) While there is some dispute as to the origins of the WACL propaganda front, our sources have little doubt thatJews have been its most consistent target.(76)
But over the years greed, more than bigotry, has been the motive for Japanese anti-Semitism. Japan, which obtains 90 percent of its oil from the Arabs, views American support for Israel as an irritant to the smooth supply of oil. The Japanese viewed favorably any right-wing organization that would lobby effectively against the Jews. Their anti-lsrael strategy was subtle. An organ-ization like WACL, dominated and supported by Japanese-Korean Fascists and old-time Nazis, was a perfect back door to American politicians.
The propaganda scheme was so good, in fact, that the Arabs moved into WACL in 1979 and successfully pushed their hatred of the Jews and Israel. Even pro-Communist Arab regimes, such as those of Syria, found a warm welcome in the Fascist circles of WACL. The reason was simple: Whether from racial hatred or political ideology, they all saw Jews as their sworn enemies and Israel as a state to be destroyed. "With membership in the League, the Arabs could now play both sides of the fence, subsidizing the far left for its pro-Palestinian sentiments and bankrolling the far right for its anti-lsrael ones." (77)
WACL was the logical outcome of old schemes: Use the right against the center to isolate the Jews. As Jack Philby said, it was all about oil. The conventional view of the first Nixon presidency is that the White House armed Israel in 1970-71 in order to preserve U.S. Middle East oil interests from the Soviet threat. Perhaps Nixon was an anti-Semite, but at least he was pro-lsrael, if only for strategic reasons. For Israeli prime minister Golda Meir, however, the old enemies had come back. When Nazis were received as honored guests in the Nixon White House and Asian Fascists joined the Arabs in lobbying for the destruction of the Jewish state, the world had become a very frightening place. After the 1967 war, Israel was more isolated than ever before. The little bomb named NEVER AGAIN was the only security the nation possessed.
(1). Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC (U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps), former officer, U.S. MIS. (U.S. Army Military Intelligence Service) (2) Seymour M. Hersh, The Sampson Option (New York: Random House, 1991), p. 168. (3) Confidential inteniews, former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (4) Readers interested in an account of this are directed to our previous book, Unholy Trinity (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992), chap. 3. (5) Confidential inteniews, former agents, CIA. (6) Confidential inteniews, former agents, CIA; former officer, U.S. MIS. (7) Confidential inteniews, former agents, CIA; former consultant to Fort Detrick, Maryland. (8) We are indebted to Rachel Verdon lor providing us with documents obtained under the Freedom ol Information Act detailing French advances in chemical and biological warlare. (9) Confidential interviews,former members ol Israeli military intelligence. (10) Confidential interviews,former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (11) Ibid. (12) Among them was General Gehlen's brother, a physician who used the pseudonym Doc Winters. He was wanted for alleged atrocities committed in the name of military research. Confidential interview, member of Pullach staff. According to this source, a man bearing a startling resemblance to Dr. Joseph Mengele was occasionally seen lounging at the pool beside Doc Winter's Pullach residence. Most people associate Mengele with the cruel experiments on Jewish twins or recall his role as the "Angel of Death" in selecting "useless eaters" for the gas chambers at Auschwitz. In fact, these were sidelines to his major research work for the German military, virtually all of which continued to be classified by the Allied governments after the war. Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (13) Confidential informant, CIC. The CIC has a large collection of files on the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, which are now being declassified. We are grateful to Ms. Verdon for sharing these records with us. (14) Confidential interview, German physician resident in the United States. According to him, several exposes of the medical atrocities were published after the war in Germany, but all copies were quickly suppressed. (15) Most of the German research on human beings was useless. For example, a confidential source in a U.S. military service sent us a copy of the Navy's file on Dachau experiments. According to the postwar survey, the Jewish inmates altered the test procedures and faked the results in an attempt to save as many lives as possible. (16) Rachel Verdon, private collection of documents obtained under the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. Copies in authors' possession. (17) Ibid (18) Mengele's brother Karl appears on a list of German scientists interrogated by British intelligence after World War 2. Our sources say that Joseph used his brother to negotiate a trade: his freedom in return for documents on Nazi testing of nerve gas on human beings. Confidential interviews, former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (19) Confidential interviews, former Pullach staff members. 20. Confidential interview, former member of Argentine diplomatic corps who reviewed records of the German nuclear development protocol. 21. Richard Deacon, The Israeli Secret Service (London: Sphere, 1979), p. 145. (22) Confidential interview, former member West German intelligence service. (23) "I was dumbfounded when I saw this material. It means that someone working for Israel was-and no doubt still is-in a position to intercept letters passing between Egypt and the German Federal Republic-two states with which Israel has no diplo- matic relations (today Israel has an embassy in Bonn)-photograph whatever correspondence interested him, and then pass on the letters to their destination without the correspondents being any the wiser." Denis Sefton Delmer, "The Secret Service Nasser Fears," The Sunday Telegraph, January 14, 1962, as quoted in Deacon, The Israeli Secret Service, p. 144. (24) Confidential interviews, former Pullach staff members; former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (25) Confidential interviews, former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (26) Rachel Verdon, private collection of documents obtained under the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. Copies in authorst possession. (27) Ibid. (28) "German chemists in Egypt are working on gas and germ warfare projects, according to reliable sources in Teheran and in other Middle Eastern capitals. "These Germans are said to be operating in strict secrecy under the direct orders of President Nasser's Cabinet. It appears they are experimenting with gas and bacteriological weapons that can be delivered either by bombs from aircraft or in rocket warheads. "The Saudi Arabian Government and Yemeni Royalists are preparing full reports on several recent cases when Egyptian Air Force planes were said to have dropped gas bombs on pro-royalist Yemeni tribesmen." The Sunday Telegraph, June 16, 1963, as quoted in John Cookson and Judith Nottingham, A Survey of Chemical and Biological Warfare (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969), p. 6. (29) Ibid., pp. 6-14. (30). The nerve gases Soman, Sarin, and Tabun (known in NATO as the G Series) all had their origins with I.G. Farben's toxic research for the Third Reich. Before the end of World War 2, the Nazis had perfected each of the formulas, down to the microscopic amount needed to kill one human being by skin contact. A confidential source in the U.S. Army intelligence service has confirmed that for ten years prior to disclosures in the press, the U.S. government protested to the West German government to no avail concerning its tolerance of the export of genocidal gas factories to the Middle East. The Bonn Govern- ment explained lamely that it had little constitutional power to restrict exports, and the matter was out of its hands. According to one Israeli source, Pollard's discovery of this subterfuge led him to leak information to Israel. Confidential interview, member Israeli military intelligence. (31). Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (32). Rachel Verdon, private collection of documents obtained under the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. Copies in authorst possession. (33). Ibid. (34). Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. Rachel Verdon has been collecting declassified records of Soviet research on Nazi toxins. She has compiled a frightening and formidable amount of documentation. Although the evidence is still incomplete, there is reason to believe that the Soviet military discovered that ticks, fleas, and lice could be systematically infected and then secretly dispersed throughout an enemy population. There are some indications that the Soviets used the "insect vector" on their own dissident Moslem populations.
According to our sources, they tried it on an American population as well. Verdon has found some intriguing circumstantial evidence to support this claim. In the late 1940s, the Soviet ship Elberus delivered a load of furs and skins to the port of New York. Shortly afterward an epidemic of an unknown disease similar to rickettsial pox broke out in New York City. It was traced to a form ol insect rarely seen in the United States but common in the Soviet Union. According to our sources, the U.S. government threw a top-secret classification over the entire episode and immediately began to study the Soviet insect vectors on Plum Island off the coast of Connecticut. That, the old spies say, is how Lyme disease began to spread. The government quietly commissioned a study of the New England population, using the unwitting Muscular Sclerosis Society as a cover. When no indications of epidemic infections in humans or animals were found, the whole study was quietly scrapped. What the govern-ment did not know was that Lyme disease can be dormant for several years and later may have reacted with common vaccines in a most unfortunate manner.
While the Lyme disease story cannot be corroborated, Verdon has confirmed that a top-secret U.S. study labeled "Clandesdne Attacks on Crops and Animals" once existed, but all copies have been destroyed. One of the participants in the study, Leo Alexander, has been identified as a U.S. intelligence expert on Nazi medical experiments on human beings. To this day, the Department of Agriculture Research Station on Plum Island is closed to human visitors. Still, it may all be a coincidence. Other accidents in toxic research, however, can be documented. Several thousand sheep in Utah were accidentally sprayed with nerve gas. One researcher inside the "Dome" at Fort DetricK, Maryland, was killed when accidentally exposed to a virulent biological warfare experiment. The Soviets have admitted that they lost a large number of lives in an anthrax experiment that went wrong. (35). Ben Hills, "Japan's Wartime Plan for Australia: Plague Rats," The Sydney Morning Herald, August 17,1993, p. 1. (36). Rachel Verdon, private collection of documents obtained under the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. Copies in authors' possession. (37). Confidential interview, former agents, CIA; former agents, CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (38). For an account of the history of Nazis in Australia and their intelligence connections, see Mark Aarons, Sanctuary! Nazi Fugitives in Australia (Melbourne: Heinemann, 1989). (39). Confidential interview, former Argentine diplomat who has subsequently fled the country. Corroboration was obtained from historian Paul Manning, who conducted his own independent research. (40). Ibid. (41). The illegal diversion was done "allegedly on behalf of an Italian chemical company in Milan. The sale was approved by Euratom in October, and the uranium was shipped out of Antwerp aboard a vessel renamed the Scheersberg A. The Scheersberg A had been purchased, with Mossad funds, by another Israeli agent-in-place in Turkey. Once at sea, according to published accounts that were confirmed by Israeli officials, the uranium ore was transferred to an Israeli freighter guarded by gunboats and taken to Israel. The disappearance of the huge shipment of uranium ore was known, of course, within months to Euratom; it wasn't much longer before U.S. and European intelligence agencies were reporting internally that the Israelis were involved." Hersh, The Sampson Option", p. 181. (42). "His message... was electrifying: the United States would not 'lift a finger for Israel' if the Soviets chose directly to intervene by, 'say, a Soviet missile attack against the Israeli Air Force bases in Sinai...The main aim of any American President is to prevent World War 3. Second, that no American President would risk World War 3 because of territories occupied by Israel. Three, the Russians know this.'"Ibid., p.177. (43).Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA. (44). "In World War 2 Pasztor was a member of the youth group of the Arrow Cross, the Hungarian equivalent of the German Nazi party.... The Arrow Cross took power in Hungary, with Hitler's aid, to help defend Germany. Pasztor was sent to Berlin as part of the new diplomatic mission to Hitler until the war's end." Monograph, Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration: The Role of Domestic Fascist Networks in the Republican Party and Their Effect on U.S. Cold War Politics, Political Research Associates, Cambridge, MA, September 1988, p. 15. (45). This was accomplished not by Congress, but by administrative fiat of the director of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. (46). "One of the leaders of the 1968 Nixon-Agnew campaign's ethnic unit, Pasztor says that Nixon promised him that if he won the election, he would form a permanent ethnic council within the GOP, as the Ethnic Division was only active during presidential campaigns." Bellant, Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration, p. 15. (47). Ibid. (48). Ibid. (49). It also was Kim Philby's favorite Nazi front and had more than the usual share of Communist double agents in leadership positions. Confidential interviews, former members, CIA. (50). "The GOP nationalities council has provided an entry into the White House for several self-styled immigrant leaders with records as pro-Nazi extremists. Bulgarian American Republican party notable Ivan Docheff, for example, who has served as an officer of the Republican party's ethnic council for years, has acknowledged that he was once a leader of the National Legion of Bulgaria, a group that the more moderate Bulgarian National Committee in the United States has described as 'Fascist'. ..Docheff. . . was once invited to share a Captive Nations prayer breakfast with President Richard Nixon." Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and lts Effects on the Cold War (New York: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, l988), pp. 273-274. The Docheff invitation was a bit much and caused a publicity backlash: "Docheff's picture at the White House with Nixon and Agnew, printed in the Bulgarian-language paper Borba, raised cries of outrage from moderate Bulgarian-Americans." Jack Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis," The Washington Post, November 10, 1971, p. B17. (51). Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis." (52). Anderson had previously presented evidence that Pauco "still worships the memory of the Nazi puppet in Slovakia, Joseph Tiso," the disgraced monsignor who had helped the Nazis kill the country's Jews. The Anti-Defamation League had confirmed and amplified upon Pauco's pro-Nazi record, and the "Republican National Committee quickly accepted Pauco's resignation" as "one of four controllers of the National Republican Heritage Groups Council." Despite this, Pauco still continued to hold an honorary position as adviser to Small Business Administrator Tom Kleppe, including the influential role of advising on loans to small entrepreneurs. Ibid., and The Washington Post, November 8, 1971, p. A2. (53). Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis." (54). Pasztor told the meeting that "President Nixon . . . has promised an 'open door' for ethnic Americans tired of Democratic 'ultra-liberals' who had forgotten them. "Laszlo Pasztor . . . went on to report that 'as the Democrat Party has shifted further to the left, revived Republican 'heritage' groups have enrolled close to 100,000 members of German, Polish, Hungarian and other 'ethnic' minorities. ". . . Phillip Sanchez, director of the Office of Economic Opportunity, Elliot L. Richardson, Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, and other administration figures promised the GOP Heritage Conference at the opening session Friday that, under Mr. Nixon, more federal aid would go to the ethnic groups. ". . . Indeed, the 'open door' was wide open." Peter Baestrup, "GOP's 'Open Door': Who's Coming In?" The Washington Post, November 21, 1971, pp. A1, A13. (55). Ibid. (56). The Waffen SS was a purely military unit and included some draftees as opposed to the all-volunteer Algemeine SS, which ran the death camps. However, many of the Waffen SS divisions were composed of former police executioners who played a major role in the Holocaust. See discussion of 30th Waffen SS Division in John Loftus, The Belarus Secret (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982). (57). Also among the featured speakers at the convention were a senior FBI official, the head of the General Services Administration, and Representatives William Scherle and Tom Gettys. The executive director of the group was Dr. Karol Sitko, "a rotund Polish-German emigre who has maintained close ties with the Republican Party as an adviser to the GOP National Committee's Heritage (Nationalities) Division." Sitko's own German organization had recently been extremely active in lobbying against any extension of the West German Government's statute of limitations on World War 2 war crimes. One of the leaders at the convention was Austin J. App, "noted Nazi apologist and historical revisionist." In "his prolific writings, he has contended that Jews were responsible for triggering World War 2 and that the Allies treated the defeated Germans brutally after the war." Paul Valentine, "German-Americans Relive Heritage in 'Obscure' Meeting," The Washington Post, November 21, 1971, p. A12. (58). In the spring of 1971, Deac's so-called extremist opponents started to get active in trying to take over his front group, the National Confederation of American Ethnic Groups (the NCAEG), in the form of Sitko, Docheff, App, and Ibrahim Dzinich, president of the Croatian National Union. Deac accused them of forming unconstitutional chapters and having themselves appointed to top positions, while they in turn accused Deac of being a dictator and keeping the power tightly in his own hands: "Meanwhile, even as they became active in NCAEG, Sitko, Docheff and friends offered themselves as allies to Laszlo Pasztor and his burgeoning GOP National Committee Heritage (Nationalities) Division. They were not only 'ethnic' leaders, but also 'Ethnic Republican leaders.'" Baestrup, "GOP's 'Open Door': Who's Coming In?" (59). In May 1971, for example, Pasztor made a trip to Scranton, Pennsylvania, accompanied by Anne Armstrong, co-chaimman of the Republican National Committee. They met with one of the "extremist" faction's prime financial backers and several of the key members of the "extremist faction." The local newspaper called the extremist faction the "principals" of the Republican party's northeast Pennsylvania Heritage Group. lbid. (60). "Each formed a Republican federation, with local clubs around the country. These local clubs of the various federations then formed state multi-ethnic councils. Today there are 34 nationality federations and 25 state councils that constitute the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council." Bellant, "Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration," p. 15. (61). Confidential interviews, former members, CIA; former staffers, NSC. 62. ". . . two groups are missing at the Republican Heritage Groups Council. There are no Black or Jewish Republican federations. Remarks by a number of delegates . . .made it clear that there was no desire to have either community represented on the council...Given the background of the Council's leadership, it is difficult not to conclude that elements of racism and anti-Semitism may play a role in the decision to exclude Black and Jewish constituencies." Bellant, "Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration," p. 24. (63). Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former staff members, Radio Liberty/Radio Free Europe. (64). Radio Liberty files, Foreign Affairs Information Management Center, U.S. State Department. (65). Ibid. See discussion of Stankievich's crimes and the cover-up in Loftus, The Belarus Secret, pp. 20, 25-28, 65-66, 119. (66). U.S. Department of Justice, Attomey General's Files, National Security Council, sub-dossier for IRC. (67). Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA. (68). See, for example, declassified CIA dossier, "German Intelligence Agents in the Middle East," USNA, Military Reference Branch, which gives a wildly erroneous background for the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Russian Fascist organization NTS. The amount of misinfommation passed on to other government agencies is simply staggering. See, for example, Frank Wisner's letter to the U.S. Immigration Service, quoted in Loftus, The Belarus Secret. (69). Confidential interviews, former special agents, FBI. (70). Ibid. See, for example, FBI dossiers for Frantishek Kushel. Kushel was a police executioner for the SS who kept the FBI informed of Dulles's use of Nazis for covert operations. (71). U.S. National Archives, President Richard Nixon, tape collection. (72). Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1986). 73. Ibid., p. 61. (74). Ibid., p. 55. WACL began with John Foster Dulles's efforts to "revive" the Japanese economy after World War 2. With the connivance of Douglas MacArthur, they recruited Japanese war criminals as anti-Communist organizers. One of them was Ryoichi Sasakawa, who later boasted "1 am the world's wealthiest fascist." His protege, Yoshio Kodama, was one of the financial backers for the U.S.-sponsored right-wing politicians, who made his fortune from the brutal Japanese occupation of China. He was also a leader of the black shirt terrorists called the Yakuza, the Japanese version of the mafia, which ran goon squads for the ruling Liberal Democrats. John Halliday and Gavan McCommack, Japanese Imperialism Today (London: Penguin, 1973), p. 92; and Jon Halliday, A political History of Japanese Capitalism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975), p. 265. Still, they were good anti-Communists, and of no use to the Dulles brothers sitting in jail: "Sasakawa, Kodama, and other prominent war criminals were quietly released from prison in 1948 and became some of the prime movers, organizers and funders of the Japanese Liberal Democratic party, a conservative pro-American party that has controlled the political life of Japan ever since. Through this maneuver, the old ruling circles of Japan, the men who had allied with Nazi Germany . . . were resurrected and brought back into leadership roles." Anderson and Anderson, Inside the League, pp. 62-63. Sasakawa's cellmate was another Class A war criminal named Kishi Nobosuke who in 1959 became the prime minister of Japan. Kishi was the "prime mover" in the establishment of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League, which became the World Anti-Communist League in the 1960s, with Kishi as chairman of the Planning Committee in 1970. Ibid., p. 63n. (75). In the early days, WACL was a joint venture of the Korean CIA and Japanese Fascists. It was purely an intelligence/propaganda operation. In Jluly 1967 Sasakawa arranged a secret meeting with his new Korean front man, Reverend Sun Myung Moon founder of the Unification Church, whose members were better known as the "Moonies." According to the "old spies," the Moonies became the bagmen for a Japanese propaganda effort in the United States. Apart from alleged under-the-table contributions to WACL, the Reverend Moon's propaganda team "also spends $1,500,000 a year on a conservative Washington think tank; has sunk $15,000,000 into national distribution for the unsuccessful Washington Times, has given a half-million dollars to the National Conservative Political Action Committee (NCPAC)." Ibid., pp. 128-129. In addition, the Moonies have spent $100 million on South American newspapers, printing companies, and banks. Money means nothing to Moon's organization: "It lost an estimated $150,000 in the first two years of its publication of the Washington Times and many millions more through its New York-based The News World, the Spanish-language Noticias del Mundo, and The Middle East Times in Cyprus. At the same time, its membership declined dramatically." Ibid., p. 127.
The Reverend Moon did not raise that kind of money selling flowers in airports. According to several intelligence sources, it was coming from Sasakawa and his friends. Sasakawa denies funding Moon. However, "two former high officials of the Unification Church . . . have disclosed that as much as $800,000,000 was funneled into the United States from Japan over a nine-year period, often by disciples carrying cash in their luggage." lbid., p. 129. The Japanese electorate may be surprised to learn that their tax payments were laundered through the Yakuza to the Moonies to finance an ultra-right-wing lobby in the United States. By 1993 theJapanese were so thoroughly sick and tired of the whole corrupt system created by Dulles and his allies that they defected in droves from the Liberal Democrats and forced them out of power for the first time in over four decades. But the real scandal, say the "old spies," is that while the Moonies' money came from the Japanese government, the distribution of funds was overseen by Dulles's cronies in the CIA. Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former members, CIC. (76). One version has it that the propaganda actually originated back in the 1950s with Allen Dulles's CIA station chief in Korea, who continued his association with WACL over the next several decades. A more plausible version, provided by some of our sources in the intelligence community, is that Dulles established a dormant front group in the 1950s, which Japanese Fascists then revived and used for their own ends in the 1960s and 1970s. Confidential interviews, former agents, CIA; former agents,CIC; former officer, U.S. MIS. (77). "Starting with the 1979 League conference, militant Arabs, under the banner of the Middle East Security Council, became a major force and financial backer of the League. Their chief 'anti' was not communism but Israel. This explains why government officials from Arab nations that are closely allied with the Soviet Union, such as Syria, have found a platform in the World Anti -Communist League. "It is quite easy to see the Arabs' interest in the League. Here in one fell swoop they tapped into bitter enemies of Israel in the United States, Latin America and Europe. Certainly some of their new allies had different reasons for their anti-lsraeli stance-they hated Israel because they hated Jews-but the result was the same: dedicated and unwavering enemies of the 'Zionist state.'" Anderson and Anderson, Inside the League, pp. 108-109.


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