On April 14, two days of
nuclear chess began in Istanbul. At issue is Iran's civilian program.
So-called P5+1 countries - America, Russia, China, Britain, and France
- plus Germany - know it's peaceful. They pretend otherwise.
Expect toing and froing without resolution. Washington plans it that
way. So do Britain, France and Germany. They're part of the dirty game
claiming Iran has nuclear weapons ambitions.
They demand Tehran prove a negative. How do you provide evidence revealing
what you don't have? Resolution won't come from Istanbul. Nor will Ayatollah
Ali Khamenei's fatwa against acquiring nuclear weapons help.
He calls possessing them sinful and anti-Islamic. Saying it falls on
deaf ears. It's more proof of Washington's hypocrisy. It shows considerations
other then Iran's legitimate program are at issue.
On April 14, The New York Times headlined, "At Talks, Nations Seek Commitment
"I hope what we will see today is the beginnings of a sustained process,"
said Catherine Ashton. The EU foreign policy chief's chairing the meeting.
She showed where she stands, adding:
Talks are intended "to find ways in which we can build confidence between
us and ways in which we can demonstrate that Iran is moving away from
a nuclear weapons program." Resolution depends "on what Iran is putting
on the table today."
Iran's a Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) signatory. It complies
fully with provisions. No evidence suggests a nuclear weapons program
or hostile intent against neighbors. Istanbul participants know it.
Iran wants good faith discussions. So do Russia and China. Washington's
the main obstacle. It prefers confrontation, not peace and stability.
Nonetheless, Iran agreed to participate despite little hope hardline
Western views will soften. In Washington on Thursday, G8 foreign ministers
"Iranís persistent failure to comply with its obligations.... and to
meet the requirements of the IAEA Board of Governors resolutions is
a cause of urgent concern."
That shows what Tehran's up against. It fully complies, far more than
other nations. Instead of credit, it's criticized. Expect little or
no change in Istanbul.
On April 12, Haaretz writers Avi Issacharoff and Amos Harel headlined,
"Waiting for a meltdown ahead of Iran talks," saying:
"Don't get your hopes up" for dramatic breakthroughs. Expecting something
different this time forgets we've been through this exercise before.
Past meetings ended at square one. Little more's likely this time. Even
optimists believe little at best will be accomplished.
At issue is Washington's hardline stance and real agenda. Its delegation
includes mid-level diplomats. It "further attest(s) to the low expectations."
If Obama was serious, he'd "send a top-caliber representative" like
She's preoccupied plotting Anti-Assad strategy. Iran's next but for
now can wait. Claiming Tehran's a threat is red herring cover for bigger
fish to fry. Solidifying regional hegemony is key. First target Syria,
then Iran. For now, keep the nuclear pot boiling.
Pretexts conceal real motives. Washington's intend no good. Tehran knows
it. It's been on the receiving end for decades. Ahead of Istanbul talks,
demands made include closing its heavily protected Fordo facility, halting
20% uranium enrichment, and offshoring existing stockpiles.
In a recent article, former Obama Middle East official Dennis Ross went
further. Besides closing Fordo, eliminating 20% enrichment, and offshoring
existing stockpiles, he adds halting enrichment beyond 3.5 - 5% needed
to produce electricity, letting Iran possess up to 1,000 kilograms at
that level, and maintaining a maximum 1,000 centrifuges.
In return, some, not all, sanctions would be eased or lifted. Iran's
also falsely accused of sponsoring regional terrorism, as well as other
spurious charges. According to Ross, normalization won't happen unless
both sides "reach more extensive understandings that go beyond the nuclear
Like other anti-Iranian zealots, he points fingers one way. Washington's
imperial agenda isn't addressed, nor lawless Israeli policies. Instead
of making baseless accusations and demanding unreasonable concessions,
it's time to consider real threats and name them.
Instead, Ross also suggests Iran forego enrichment altogether and rely
solely on "international fuel bank" supplies. In addition, he wants
it "to agree not to reprocess, permit recovery of all spent fuel, and
institute the level of transparency" it more than already meets.
Moreover, forcing Tehran alone to comply with conditions not imposed
on other civilian nuclear countries exposes the hypocrisy of America's
agenda and what's really behind it. It's not Iran's nuclear program.
It's Washington's hegemony plans and determination to replace independent
states with client ones.
At the same time, Ross and others question whether Iran will negotiate
in good faith. Tehran's not the issue. It's Washington, Israel, other
complicit allies, and former officials like Ross.
Anti-Defamation League head Abe Foxman calls him Israel's "advocate."
Middle East analyst Aaron David Miller says he's "Israel's lawyer."
Others call him a Zionist hardliner up to no good for Palestine or Israel's
regional rivals, including Iran.
He also co-founded the AIPAC-linked Washington Institute for Near East
Policy (WINEP). An extremist Israeli front group, it's board of advisors
includes rogue figures like Henry Kissinger, George Shultz, James
Woolsey, and Richard Perle.
On April 14, Iran's FARS News Agency reported late morning/afternoon
talks concluded, saying:
Its team will hold "separate bilateral meetings" with other delegations
ahead of evening discussions. Talks began at 11AM local time. Iran's
chief nuclear negotiator, Saeed Jalili, heads Tehran negotiators. Catherine
Ashton leads representatives from the six attending world powers.
Past discussions were held in Geneva in December 2010 and Istanbul in
January 2011. Resolution wasn't achieved. According to Iranian team
member Supreme National Security Council Undersecretary Ali Baqeri,
talks will end this evening.
They "will be held in one day and will not continue for a second day,"
he said. At day's end, all sides agreed to meet again on May 23. Catherine
Ashton said talks were "constructive and useful. (W)e want to move to
a sustained process of dialogue."
A US official wants more. Calling discussions insufficient, he said
concrete steps must follow. Expect no breakthroughs later on. Washington
won't tolerate them.
Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov stressed:
"I have never witnessed any proof or document indicating that Iran's
nuclear activity is military. I believe that we should be seeking agreements,
instead of magnifying differences, in order to resolve the issue."
With regard to Iran's nuclear enrichments rights, he added:
"According to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Islamic Republic
of Iran is entitled to the right to make use of nuclear energy, but
this right is accompanied by some responsibilities."
China also recognizes Iran's peaceful nuclear energy program. Beijing
and Moscow both urge settling differences diplomatically through dialogue.
From Tehran, Iranian lawmaker and National Security and Foreign Policy
Commission parliament member, Avaz Heidarpour, said:
"We will not (agree to) have coordination with any country for taking
our peaceful nuclear measures. Our activities are in accordance with
the NPT rules, and we do not accept any (more) conditions and regulation
beyond Iran's IAEA and NPT undertakings."
In March, Ayatollah Khamenei said:
"We do not possess a nuclear weapon and we will not build one, but we
will defend ourselves against any aggression, whether by the US or the
Zionist regime, with the same level of force."
On April 12, Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi's Washington
Post op-ed headlined, "Iran: We do not want nuclear weapons," saying:
Decades ago, America "help(ed) Iran set up the full nuclear fuel cycle
along with atomic power plants." At the time, Washington said "nuclear
power would provide for the growing needs of our economy and free our
remaining oil reserves for export or conversion to petrochemicals. That
rationale has not changed."
After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, America ended fuel shipments. To
secure them, Iran modified its operations to run on 20% enriched uranium.
The same Tehran Research Reactor operates today. It supplies isotopes
used for treating cancer patients.
In 2009, Iran requested the IAEA supply fuel. Local stockpiles were
low. Lives were at stake. Tehran agreed to "exchange a major portion
of our stock of low-enriched uranium...." In response, the Obama administration
imposed more sanctions.
Iran acted responsibly, he stressed. Its scientists "managed to do something
we had never done before: enrich uranium to the needed 20 percent and
mold it into fuel plates for the reactor." Iran is capable of providing
for its own needs.
At the same time, he, like other Tehran officials, expressed opposition
to "weapons of mass destruction." In the 1980s, when Iraq attacked Iran
with chemical arms, "we did not retaliate" the same way. Its nuclear
program fully complies with NPT provisions. It has no "military dimension."
No evidence suggests it.
He hoped Istanbul talks would resolve differences, end suspicions, and
produce trust. He urged all sides to "make genuine efforts" to try.
At the same time, he knows what Iran faced for decades. Discussions
for one or two days won't change things. One side can't resolve issues
without a willing partner. Washington's hardline stance hasn't changed.
Nor has its quest to replace all independent states with client ones.
At issue is unchallenged global dominance. Much more than diplomacy
is needed to change that position. Istanbul won't budge it.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at email@example.com.
Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge
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