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Terrorism And The Normal
Aberrations Of Society

By Terrell E. Arnold
11-27-4
 
 
A few days ago Queen Elizabeth II of England delivered a traditional Speech from the Throne. The speech centered - as is traditional--on the main elements of Prime Minister Tony Blair,s program for the coming year. One of the key points in her recital was the Blair plan to greatly increase British devotion to the War on Terrorism. As a rule, one of the purposes of this speech is to put a Royal seal of approval on the politically developed programs of the ruling party, but for the British, priority attention to international terrorism is obviously borrowed, mainly from the US Bush team. For decades Britain has experienced little foreign terrorism, and the attacks that occurred were largely, if not entirely, the work of the IRA or sympathizers. As a matter of fact, Britain may have far more trouble with disgruntled devotees of the now outlawed foxhunt who, numbering an alleged 400,000, may storm London and harass the Parliament to get the ban repealed. The irony of it is that the number of British souls grieving the loss of that sport of horse and hound far exceeds the number of known terrorists in the whole world.
 
Just what lesson might one draw from that situation about the nature of national priorities in the early 21st century? The first casualty of the new priority is the misdirection of leadership. The second is the misallocation of resources. The third is the mistreatment of the public interest.
 
Why is that? Simply put, the main purposes of government center on three essential functions: The first is to identify and provide reliable systems to meet the common service needs of the entire public. That covers a range of subjects from life styles and health to house pests, and the managers of towns, cities, even villages appear to understand this mission far better than most national governments. The second is to catalog and figure out how to deal with, hopefully restrain and reduce the normal aberrations of society, and that covers a range from petty crimes and simple civil disputes to capital crimes. The third is to identify and prepare for contingencies ranging from natural disasters to war, and except in extremis, this mission should never have a priority that overshadows the other two.
 
The British problem, and the American problem is that the overweening national priority is in the wrong box. How can that be determined? By careful review of the normal aberrations of society, and then, of course, by acting sensibly about what one learns from the process.
 
It is safe to say, here and now, that neither government has done its homework. Both should start by asking, and of course getting good answers for ten simple questions. (1) Where in the world today are the worst threats to humanity? (2) Who or what is responsible for those threats? (3) What is now being done about them? (4) What is not being done? (5) What should be done about them? (6) Who should be doing that? (7) Who can do it best? (8) What resources are needed, including skills? (9) What organization is required or best suited for the tasks? (10) Where, on what aspects of the threats should maximum effort be concentrated? Since these questions are everybody,s concern, everybody should know the answers of their government and those of any other government working the problems.
 
There is no visible evidence of workable answers to these questions in either capital. Rather both are proceeding on a set of apriori assumptions the proofs of which are mainly assertions and repetitions.
 
Take the problem of terrorism and run it through the questions. How does it compare to other threats to humanity?
 
In the past six years up through 2003, terrorism - as reported in the US Department of State Patterns of Global Terrorism --resulted in approximately 22,000 casualties worldwide, mainly outside of North America. As reported in the same database, terrorism in North American resulted in 4,463 casualties, all in 2001. In that same period, data from the Centers for Disease Control indicate that AIDS alone caused close to 95,000 deaths in the US; according to the FBI, homicides caused close to 90,000 US deaths, MADD data indicate that drunken driving caused upward of 100,000 US deaths, and suicides, mostly of men and boys, caused close to 100,000 US deaths. Aside from 9-11, in that six-year period, there were no casualties in North America from terrorism. In 2002 alone, the year after 9-11, homicides took upward of 16,000, suicides took around 17,000, highway accidents took 26,000, and drunken driving accounted for over 15,000.
 
All of these data shout the message: The main threat to American life and limb, anywhere in the world, is not terrorism.
 
Iraq does not figure in these calculations because the Iraqi people are at war with the United States and its coalition partners. They are not terrorists, even though US officials all too often label them as such, and US media generally and carelessly go along. If the tables were turned, and we were battling an invading Iraqi army at the gates of New York - as the Iraqis fight against us in Baghdad, Fallujah and elsewhere - we would refuse to accept the label terrorist.
 
Only one form of potential terrorism deserves inclusion among the potential high-end hazards included in government contingency planning: The risk of terrorist acquisition and use of a weapon of mass destruction. That is not just an environmental risk; it grows almost automatically out of the patterns of manufacture and use of such weapons by the known WMD powers, most notably the United States and Russia, but including Britain, France, Israel, China, India, and Pakistan. But it is only a risk, because a threat, properly defined, consists of both capability and intent to use it to do harm to people and/or property. Capability, in this case, means most likely covert acquisition of a weapon by a terrorist group or individual, along with a plan to use the weapon on a specific target. At that point, a threat would exist.
 
What this means is that Britain and the United States, both under allegedly sane and well-informed leadership, have committed their countries to protracted military conflict, not against a defined and capable (in possession of WMDs) enemy, but against a verbally threatening one whose capability is yet to be determined. It has been determined that this enemy is capable of attacks on the scale of 9-11 and possible larger ones with only conventional weapons. However, those attacks, as shocking and tragic as they were, do not approach the annual death tolls of the common hazards of modern society.
 
Is the threat of a weapon of mass destruction in the hands of a terrorist a greater threat than such weapons in the hands of ambitious or ruthless national leaders? Hardly. The United States has used more heavy weaponry, including toxic, nuclear and high explosive, in Iraq than any other owner of such weapons has employed since Vietnam - when the United States again was the main user. Is it likely or even possible that a terrorist organization can equal those assaults on the human condition? Small arms have been sold by developed country makers - including the leading WMD powers-- and smuggled into Africa and other unstable regions of the world on a scale that equates their destructive power with weapons of mass destruction. Since the sale of such weapons, including assault versions, is considered legal in the United States, does one really need to resort to theft or terrorism to be so empowered?
 
The starting points for these problems are the legal manufacture, acquisition, sale, and careless distribution of such weaponry by nation states. In a perverse sense, the terrorists are only benefactors of the self-serving policies of the WMD powers that be. As of now, any such weapon, likely to be acquired and used by a terrorist, will probably come from one of those nations. Therefore, the real attack for preventing future use of such weapons by anyone must be made on the availability of such weapons anywhere to anybody. Limiting the accepted, if not necessarily legal, possession of such weapons to the countries that already have them will not work. The risk that the "wrong" people will acquire one or more exists because the weapons exist. Non-proliferation is actually an option that failed with first possession.
 
Terrorism occurs in one form or another in 60 or more countries every year. That situation reflects the normal state of political, social, and economic under-development in many societies. Political violence, in the forms of terrorism, is a predictable part of this landscape. As reliable UN data show, the propensities to politically motivated violence decline with improvements in the human condition, especially more equitable distribution of the benefits of growth.
 
In the meantime, developed country possession of weapons of mass destruction is effectively paired with instability and underdevelopment in at least a third of the world,s nation states. The combination itself is a key part of the problem. This is the most compelling aberration in modern society. That key can be exploited by Osama bin Laden as well as by other terrorist leaders. They are using the deplorable conditions of the developing world against us. They are aided by our aggressive military approach. Bush and Blair are helping them by failing to consider the normal aberrations of developing societies and dealing with terrorism where it belongs among them. Not only is the current military strategy likely to fail, the longer it is applied the closer our country will be taken to the self-fulfilling prophecy of a major terrorist attack.
 
The writer is a retired Senior Foreign Service Officer of the US Department of State. He is author and co-author of four books on terrorism and related subjects. He will welcome comments at wecanstopit@charter.net
 

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