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The Disunited States
Of America
Bitter Divisions Now Pose
Serious Problems
By James Cusick in Washington
The Sunday Herald - UK
11-7-4
 
In Washington there's no reason to struggle to find the words that express the pain and hopes of a nation divided. At the Lincoln Memorial, to the right of the large, white marbled sculpture of the seated former president, all you need is carved clear and high across a vast stone wall. The chiselled words are those of Abraham Lincoln. In his Second Inaugural Address as president, he tried to heal the disunited states of America, ripped apart by civil war, where north and south both believed God was on their side. Lincoln's God was neutral and he believed it strange that divine intervention was called upon in a time of war. George W Bush and his successful campaign strategists have no problem claiming God is on their side. And neither does half of the American electorate.
 
In two months' time on the steps of Congress, Bush will make his Second Inaugural Address. Like Lincoln, he faces a dangerously divided nation. On one side is a traditional church-going Republican electorate, mostly of rural, mid-west and southern states whose conservative Christian values are shaped as much by pulpit and prayer book as by factional politics. On the other side, the supposedly informed, internationally aware, secular Democrats; the party of the urban Pacific and northeast Atlantic states. Or as Bill Clinton's chief of staff, Leon Panetta, put it: "The party of FDR has now become the party of Michael Moore and Fahrenheit 9/11."
 
After the attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon, after war in Afghanistan, in the midst of chaos and military casualties in Iraq and surrounded by an ailing economy with burgeoning national debt, US voters ranked "moral values" as the key issue in choosing their next president. Of those who put "moral values" at the top of their list, 80% voted for Bush. For those who placed jobs and the economy in the top spot, 80% voted for John Kerry. Terrorism and the war in Iraq trailed third and fourth on the electorate's priority list. It is no longer "the economy, stupid". For the second term of Bush's faith-based presidency "it is the congregation, stupid".
 
It is still sinking in for dispirited Democrats. They face another four years outside the White House, four years where they are likely to the minority party in both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
 
In post-poll analysis where "values" and "morals" have been identified as the difference between winning and losing, the statistics read like a marketing exercise for a Bible-publishing company, not the dissection of a presidential election. Almost a quarter of the electorate was made up of white, evangelical and born-again Christians (with four to one going for Bush). In all religious categories ñ except the Jewish faith ñ Bush beat Kerry. Jews make up only 3% of US voters and voted 74% Kerry, 25% Bush.
 
John Kerry was the first Roman Catholic nominated for president since John F Kennedy. But white Catholics weren't impressed: 56% of them voted Bush.
 
Bush is a member of a privileged political dynasty background, with an expensive Ivy League education and family money that bailed him out during his years of financial failure. But that is not how he is perceived. He is seen as a regular guy, straightforward, straight-talking, with strong religious beliefs. And Kerry? The pejoratives pile up: northeastern elite, without core values and most damaging of all, liberal.
 
At the foot of the Lincoln Memorial, a visiting family from Nebraska give a simple explanation for the way in which they cast their votes: "We liked Bush better." They expand only a little: "We understand where he's comin' from. He's a strong leader, and we need that. We just didn't like Kerry."
 
Asked if Bush's "values" had made a difference they nod at each other saying: "Yes, he's a good family man, good Christian." Bush took the plains state of Nebraska with 67% and swept the other seats in Congress. In Bush's divided US it now comes down to this: attend church regularly? Of those who answer yes, 61% will have voted Republican, 39% for the Democrats. Those who don't know what the inside of a church looks like? The numbers are reversed.
 
Karl Rove, the "architect" of Bush's campaign strategy, designed the assault on the second term based on the assumption of an electorate polarised on values. There was no attempt to move to the centre, no mention of compromise. His risky grassroots-based campaign focused on energising conservatives who'd stayed away in 2000. Bush's faith-based values were emphasised. Taken alone, this would have been a poor excuse for a presidential strategy. The United States was already a divided nation. What made the difference was the climate of fear and uncertainty that the "war on terror" has engendered. Frightened and ill-informed conservatives retreated to their closed communities, to their churches, to their prayers, to their core values.
 
Andrew Kohut, of the Pew Research Centre, describes the US as the "united states of anxiety". "This is an anxious nation. Terror, economic wellbeing, healthcare, values. There's a whole set of worries reflected in this election," he says. The implication is that Bush and his team benefited more than Kerry in these cross-currents of fear and anxiety.
 
Certainly Democrats realise they must now work out why they play so badly with voters for whom faith is an important issue. Senator Blanche Lincoln, an Arkansas Democrat, says: "People are faced with so many problems they cling to faith and prayers. I don't hesitate to express the importance of my faith. Democrats have to get comfortable doing that." Another Democrat, Senator John Breaux, says it worries him that his party did better with non-church going people: "We have a problem and that's why we lost across the south."
 
Henry Ciseros, a Clinton administration official, believes that when the Catholic bishops started talking "about abortion and gay marriage, it was enough to matter in the Latino and ethnic Catholic neighbourhoods. Our position on gay marriage was only marginally different from Bush's, but that didn't deal with it". Ciceros is underplaying these issues. Initiatives to ban same-sex marriages were on the ballot forms of 11 states, many of them of key importance in deciding the next president. Bush didn't need to talk directly to such issues. His constant use of the word "faith" throughout the campaign did the job.
 
There were other influences too. In the key state of Ohio, the Republican mass-media campaign was underpinned by a quiet local outreach effort. The metropolitan northern cities of Cleveland, Cincinnati and Toledo are the equivalent of New York or San Francisco in a map of the US. But in rural Ohio, in the Bible-belt areas, targeted mailings, calls and personal doorstep visits pushed traditional values.
 
John Green, a professor who studies the links between religion and politics at the University of Akron, Ohio, says one Bush election pamphlet showed an isolated church and a traditional family. It was headlined "George W Bush shares your values. Marriage. Life. Faith." Green says: "It couldn't have been clearer if it had been quoted from the Bible."
 
Elsewhere in Ohio, other forces aided Bush. The decision to put the same-sex marriage initiative on the ballot papers was taken by Ohio's Republican secretary of state, Kenneth Blackwell. Blackwell, an elected official also in charge of election rules that seemed to change from day to day, told his colleagues that the Bush campaign had specifically asked for it to be included. What the party missed, the churches didn't: 2.5 million inserts on what was at stake over the gay marriage issue was sent out in church bulletins. Ohio overwhelmingly voted to ban same-sex marriage or anything approximating to it. Green believes fervent support for the same-sex amendment may have caused turnout to rise in certain counties by up to 4%: enough to tip the election Bush's way in vital states.
 
Yet Kerry exceeded his party goals in every county in Ohio. The black vote was up. The Ohio cities that should have been won were won, Cuyahoga County, which includes Cleveland, saw an increase of 51,000 Democrat votes. And he still lost. The confusing contradictions? Bush the "faith-based" President who nevertheless took the US to war and ditched the United Nations in the process, took 76% of the vote in the non- violent Amish communities of Holmes County. What happened to the hardline biblical value of turning the other cheek?
 
While the Democrats now regroup and try to figure how they can reconnect with rural faith-based America and close the three point (3.5 million votes) gap between Bush (51%) and Kerry (48%), it is pay-back time for the Bush administration. The illegitimate democratic fiasco of 2000 was dismissed by Bush and he governed first-term as though he'd been given a massive mandate. There is no indication that the second term will be any different. Early signs point to the same electoral arrogance. He told his first post-poll press conference in Washington last Thursday that: "I've got the will of the people at my back." He also spoke of a electorate that had "embraced" his point of view. A day earlier the vice-president, Dick Cheney, spoke of being given a clear "mandate", while Bush talked of a "duty to serve all Americans". They couldn't have it both ways, and the warnings from the conservative right were swift.
 
Supporters of the Bush victory, whether on social, religious or economic issues, now expect delivery. Reagan's "moral majority" backers in the 1980s also expected similar reward, only to be disappointed at the hesitancy of the administration. There is now clear pressure for "zero hesitancy" in 2005.
 
"Now comes the revolution," was the prophesy revealed in The New York Times by Richard Viguerie. Described as the "dean of conservative direct mail", Viguerie is said to have proclaimed to his colleagues: "If you don't implement a conservative agenda now, when do you?" In a memorandum sent to other conservative groups, Viguerie voices what other pro-Bush groups believe is their "moral values" dividend. The memo says: "Make no mistake ñ conservative Christians and "values voters" won this election for George W Bush. It's crucial that the Republican leadership not forget this ñ as much as some will try. Liberals in the media and inside the party [Republican] are urging the President to ëunite' the country by discarding the allies who earned him another four years: urging him to discard us conservative Catholics and Protestants, people for whom moral values are the most important issue."
 
The Protestant pressure group, Focus On The Family, is said to have warned White House staff that the Bush victory was only a God-given reprieve for a country "on the verge of self-destruction" unless it returned to traditional family values, passed federal laws outlawing same-sex marriage, stopped abortions and stem-cell research and crucially attended to the delivery of a right-leaning Supreme Court when the opportunity comes over the next four years. The Catholic Culture Of Life Foundation sees the balance of the Supreme Court as crucial if it is to overturn the defining "Roe v Wade" case within the next four years, and effectively outlaw abortion. The foundation ñ like many other groups expecting repayment in full for their support ñ have already named which justice they want on the Supreme Court.
 
While they wait, the religious right have started their debate in publications like the Christian Research Journal. Alongside a critique of the Hollywood movie, The Matrix ñ dismissed as a film which taps into the "metaphors for postmodern Nietzchean world view of relativism and nihilism" ñ and an analysis of the bestselling Da Vinci Code ("a discredited conspiracy theory designed to attack the origins of Christianity") ñ the journal contends that just because the Bible is silent on abortion "are we to conclude from this Ö that elective abortion is morally wrong? There are good reasons to say no". The journal and its readers are now Bush's natural constituency.
 
Beyond social reform, the pressure on the White House is for right-wing economic reform. In Thursday's press conference Bush said, with a degree of pride: "I earned political capital [in this election] and now I intend to spend it." The war on terror will continue and he promised to "persevere till the enemy is defeated". So where will the rest of the political capital be spent? He repeated his campaign plan to "strengthen social security for our children and grandchildren Ö by helping millions of our fellow citizens find security and independence that comes from owning something ñ from ownership." In shorthand: the US should prepare for the privatisation of all social security and the two trillion dollar transition cost that comes with such a plan.
 
The emergency tax policies of the first term will be made permanent, cuts that made the richest 1% of citizens richer and which increased the tax burden on the average earner. Now the burden on wage earners is set to increase in an "neoconomist" agenda that seeks to release savings, dividends and stocks earnings from tax altogether. The underlying belief? Bush said "70% of new jobs in America are created by small businesses. I understand that".
 
He will also understand that those in line to benefit most from such "tax reforms" are chief executives, financial sophisticates, industry titans, heirs and heiresses, Wall Street wizards. And routine mundane tax payments to the US Treasury? This will come from the remaining constituency of wage-earning breadwinners. According to Daniel Altman, the author of a new text on neoconomics, the plan is "a recipe for the worst kind of social unrest that can make an economy stagger, stagnate or worse". The worse, for Altman, is a "riotous manifestation of anticapitalist sentiment."
 
Although Bush says he'll immediately "reach out to everyone who shares our goals", the reality of last week's vote is that half of the United States dreads what is coming and the half who voted for Bush's "moral values" might not understand the consequences of his economic values.
 
For the former Democrat Gary Hart, who narrowly failed to get the Democratic ticket in both 1984 and 1988, the results of the 2004 race depict an anxious nation. "Americans were attacked on their home soil in 2001 for the first time since 1812. [Hart may have forgotten about Pearl Harbour.] And worried over the future, they have turned to their faith. And many might not even know what Bush's faith actually is," he says.
 
Hart is dismissive of claims that the Democrat Party face an unprecedented crisis. "The party are not in bad shape. Reagan ran on his religious beliefs. Now Bush has done the same thing. And 54 million Americans didn't agree with him."
 
Back at the Lincoln Memorial there's the origin of a more basic analysis. American citizens, Democrat or Republican, can find engraved in stone the comforting words that "government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth". But not to be found carved anywhere in Washington is Lincoln's self-deprecating advice on changing presidents midway through a conflict. In 1864 he said: "I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude that I am the best man in the country; but I am reminded, in this connection, of a story of an old Dutch farmer who remarked to a companion once that 'it was not best to swap horses while crossing streams'."
 
For the next four years, that may be the only consolation Lincoln has left for the Democrats to hold on to.
 
©2004 newsquest (sunday herald) limited. all rights reserved http://www.sundayherald.com/45833
 

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