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National Homeland Defense
Plan Mired In Confusion, Disarray

By Kevin Johnson
USA TODAY
4-23-2


OKLAHOMA CITY - During the first big test of Oklahoma's new homeland defense plan, Gov. Frank Keating and other top state officials huddled in a Capitol ''war room'' here to confront a horrific terrorism scenario: a smallpox outbreak in Tulsa.
 
The mock crisis was barely underway this month when the officials hit a roadblock. Before considering how to examine the spread of the highly contagious virus or whether to order a massive quarantine, officials spent 40 minutes debating colors. The Oklahomans weren't sure whether they should, or even could, have the U.S. government change the status of its new color-coded security alert system from yellow (which indicates there is a significant threat of a terrorist strike) to orange (which means there is a higher risk of attack).
 
''It seems pretty basic, but they didn't know where to go with it,'' says Michael Forgy, a manager in the Justice Department's Office of Domestic Preparedness. He says the officials should have dealt with life and death issues more quickly.
 
Besides highlighting the widespread confusion over the federal alert system, the Oklahoma drill symbolizes some of the problems that are frustrating state officials as they tackle a formidable task: Piecing together homeland defense programs in the wake of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.
 
Across the USA, state officials involved in such efforts are concerned about what they view as a lack of guidance from Washington. Typically, they also have little money, small staffs and widely varying views about what should be done first.
 
Seven months after President Bush tapped former Pennsylvania governor Tom Ridge to head the new national Office of Homeland Security and encouraged states to follow the federal government's lead, every U.S. state and territory has appointed its own security chief. But beyond that, the nation's new homeland defense programs are mostly talk. And many state officials say privately that Ridge's office hasn't moved quickly enough to help them set priorities.
 
Among the complications cited most often by state officials:
 
* With a sluggish economy forcing most states to slash programs to balance their budgets, there isn't much money available for significant homeland security initiatives, or even to pay for office staff and equipment.
 
In many cases, states have decided not to commit any of their own money until the U.S. government begins distributing the $3.5 billion it has promised to state and local security programs. The federal dollars won't start flowing until at least October.
 
There are no guarantees that the federal money will address some of the states' most pressing needs. This month, Keating says, Oklahoma officials were shocked to learn that Congress had not allocated any money for a radio communications system they say is critical to their plans to link local, state and federal authorities during crises. Much of the federal money is aimed at training those who would respond to biological, chemical or nuclear attacks.
 
* Several states are hesitant to create new layers of bureaucracy for homeland defense because of the tight budgets, while others are uncertain about what authority such departments should be given.
 
In Texas, officials' resistance to form a new agency has put security planning in the hands of state Land Commissioner David Dewhurst, who doubles as the state's homeland security director. Dewhurst says he is running Texas' effort with five staff members he ''borrowed'' from the land office.
 
The state has provided about $50,000 this year for the start-up effort. Dewhurst says that should be just enough to cover travel expenses for his staff to inspect a huge state that is rich in potential terrorism targets. High on the list of his concerns are the state's two nuclear power plants and the world's second-largest petro-chemical plant.
 
Dewhurst says that protecting such critical resources in Texas will cost at least ''several hundred million'' dollars. He says he's counting on the U.S. government to pay most, if not all, of the tab.
 
'No budget, no staff'
 
In Oklahoma, the Legislature has been debating whether to form a new homeland security agency. The state's experience in dealing with the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 put it ahead of most others in learning how to respond to major crises, but officials acknowledge that long-term planning is difficult without an established security office.
 
''I have no budget, no staff, no authority and complete responsibility,'' says Department of Public Safety Commissioner Bob Ricks, who also is the state's interim homeland security director. ''The Legislature hasn't given me anything.''
 
Ricks adds that he isn't certain whether state lawmakers will allow him to keep the security director's post permanently or whether they will appoint someone else.
 
''There is a lot of confusion out there about what kind of experience is suitable for this job,'' says state Sen. Dick Wilkerson, a Democrat from Atwood. ''It's just such a huge job. I don't believe any state or political apparatus has recognized how important this effort is.''
 
Wilkerson acknowledges that the state has provided Ricks ''with barely a penny to work with.''
 
''We're cutting budgets at every level,'' Wilkerson says. ''It's going to be real hard to find several million dollars to make this work. In the end, do you take money from schools or roads?''
 
* Although Ridge has promised to release a federal homeland security strategy this summer, some state officials and security analysts fear that public support for expensive security initiatives could wane unless governments move more quickly to establish such plans.
 
''The mission of this national effort and how it will integrate the states isn't entirely clear to me at all,'' says Dennis Reimer, director of the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, a non-profit organization in Oklahoma City.
 
''I don't think we've come nearly as far as we need to,'' he says. ''There is a danger of losing the momentum to pull together a plan to protect our people. We need to get on with it.''
 
Forgy at the Justice Department agrees. ''There is a sense that (the states are) stepping off in different directions,'' he says. ''There is no standardization. Washington doesn't seem to have the best grip on it yet.''
 
Ridge opens a two-day meeting today in Washington with all state security directors as part of his continuing effort to form a national strategy. Ridge spokeswoman Susan Neely says it is premature for states to express ''anxiety'' over a lack of progress by the U.S. government.
 
''Time is against us to a certain degree,'' Neely says. ''But we have a long way to go. Every state has been asked to formulate plans of their own. Every state has different needs. There is no way for us to sit in Washington and know what is best in every state.''
 
State models vary widely
 
For now, homeland security planning among the states is a patchwork process in which a few states seem to be marching toward a comprehensive anti-terrorism strategy, and many others appear to be marking time.
 
The models vary widely.
 
North Carolina has not created a homeland security office but has assigned anti-terrorism duties to various law enforcement agencies, set aside $30 million from a ''rainy day'' fund so that agencies can improve security and created a state registry for companies that deal in biological agents that could be used in attacks.
 
In Louisiana, however, there is no new state money to support the start-up of a homeland security office. Training and emergency response planning is being done ''in-house and out of hide,'' says Michael Brown, assistant director of the state's Office of Emergency Preparedness.
 
Brown says Louisiana officials delayed their security planning because ''we waited on the federal government to provide some direction. When we didn't get it, we pressed our own concept forward'' to form a statewide emergency response plan.
 
What authorities have found since is that the need for manpower, equipment and money vastly outstrips the available resources. Asked how prepared Louisiana is to deal with a local crisis, Brown says, ''I won't even hazard a guess.''
 
In Georgia, which security officials say is one of the better-organized states, Gov. Roy Barnes has authorized $1 million to launch a new intelligence-gathering and analysis operation. But the state can't afford the centerpiece of its security plan: Recruiting and training regional crisis response teams to cover the state's 159 counties.
 
State officials still are examining how much the program would cost.
 
''It all can be done,'' said Maj. Tommy Brown, executive officer to Georgia Homeland Security Director Richard Hightower, who also is the state's public safety commissioner. ''The biggest problem is getting some direction on when the money is going to come and what it will cover.''
 
There is little question that federal support will determine whether local homeland initiatives succeed. Less clear is whether the U.S. government's system for funding security efforts will be an improvement from similar initiatives that bogged down before federal money could reach the states.
 
This month, several funding problems were highlighted in an internal Justice Department audit of domestic preparedness grants totaling $243 million.
 
The audit found that the Justice grants program, separate from the Office of Homeland Defense, had failed to disburse more than half of its available money since 1998.
 
In most cases, Justice officials said, states did not submit the correct applications for the funds. The money had been set aside to buy protective clothing for emergency workers, decontamination kits and equipment to detect materials used in biological assaults.
 
'Frankenstein' syndrome
 
Eileen Preisser, a professor of homeland and national security at the New Mexico Institute of Mines and Technology, warns that the varied progress among the states in establishing security plans has created a ''Frankenstein monster syndrome.''
 
''The states are grabbing what they can and sewing it all together,'' she says. ''What happens, though, when you need it to work and it all collapses or spins out of control?''
 
Preisser, on loan to the U.S. government as an adviser on homeland security and technology matters, says federal authorities have provided states with few guidelines to ensure that officials are at least giving emergency workers similar levels of training.
 
''I have a lot of respect for Tom Ridge,'' Preisser says. ''But until his office blesses some kind of national strategy, we're going to have people going off in all different directions.''
 
As for the nation's overall preparedness to deal with a major terrorist incident, Preisser estimates a 50% chance of a successful response if the incident took place near where medical and emergency response teams are plentiful.
 
Beyond ''those centers of excellence,'' Preisser says, the chances of overall success drop to about 10% in the event of a bioterrorist attack. ''I hate to say it,'' she says, ''but we're not prepared like we should be.''


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