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New Yorker Mag - Did Bush
Let Taliban & Al-Qaeda Escape?
The Getaway - Questions Surround Secret Pakistan Airlift
By Seymour M. Hersh
The New Yorker Issue
1-28-02


In Afghanistan last November, the Northern Alliance, supported by American Special Forces troops and emboldened by the highly accurate American bombing, forced thousands of Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters to retreat inside the northern hill town of Kunduz. Trapped with them were Pakistani Army officers, intelligence advisers, and volunteers who were fighting alongside the Taliban. (Pakistan had been the Taliban's staunchest military and economic supporter in its long-running war against the Northern Alliance.) Many of the fighters had fled earlier defeats at Mazar-i-Sharif, to the west; Taloqan, to the east; and Pul-i-Khumri, to the south. The road to Kabul, a potential point of retreat, was blocked and was targeted by American bombers. Kunduz offered safety from the bombs and a chance to negotiate painless surrender terms, as Afghan tribes often do.
 
Surrender negotiations began immediately, but the Bush Administration heatedly - and successfully - opposed them. On November 25th, the Northern Alliance took Kunduz, capturing some four thousand of the Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters. The next day, President Bush said, "We're smoking them out. They're running, and now we're going to bring them to justice."
 
Even before the siege ended, however, a puzzling series of reports appeared in the Times and in other publications, quoting Northern Alliance officials who claimed that Pakistani airplanes had flown into Kunduz to evacuate the Pakistanis there. American and Pakistani officials refused to confirm the reports. On November 16th, when journalists asked Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld about the reports of rescue aircraft, he was dismissive. "Well, if we see them, we shoot them down," he said. Five days later, Rumsfeld declared, "Any idea that those people should be let loose on any basis at all to leave that country and to go bring terror to other countries and destabilize other countries is unacceptable." At a Pentagon news conference on Monday, November 26th, the day after Kunduz fell, General Richard B. Myers, of the Air Force, who is the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was asked about the reports. The General did not directly answer the question but stated, "The runway there is not usable. I mean, there are segments of it that are usable. They're too short for your standard transport aircraft. So we're not sure where the reports are coming from."
 
Pakistani officials also debunked the rescue reports, and continued to insist, as they had throughout the Afghanistan war, that no Pakistani military personnel were in the country. Anwar Mehmood, the government spokesman, told newsmen at the time that reports of a Pakistani airlift were "total rubbish. Hogwash."
 
In interviews, however, American intelligence officials and high-ranking military officers said that Pakistanis were indeed flown to safety, in a series of nighttime airlifts that were approved by the Bush Administration. The Americans also said that what was supposed to be a limited evacuation apparently slipped out of control, and, as an unintended consequence, an unknown number of Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters managed to join in the exodus. "Dirt got through the screen," a senior intelligence official told me. Last week, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld did not respond to a request for comment.
 
Pakistan's leader, General Pervez Musharraf, who seized power in a 1999 coup, had risked his standing with the religious fundamentalists"and perhaps his life"by endorsing the American attack on Afghanistan and the American support of the Northern Alliance. At the time of Kunduz, his decision looked like an especially dangerous one. The initial American aim in Afghanistan had been not to eliminate the Taliban's presence there entirely but to undermine the regime and Al Qaeda while leaving intact so-called moderate Taliban elements that would play a role in a new postwar government. This would insure that Pakistan would not end up with a regime on its border dominated by the Northern Alliance. By mid-November, it was clear that the Northern Alliance would quickly sweep through Afghanistan. There were fears that once the Northern Alliance took Kunduz, there would be wholesale killings of the defeated fighters, especially the foreigners.
 
Musharraf won American support for the airlift by warning that the humiliation of losing hundreds"and perhaps thousands"of Pakistani Army men and intelligence operatives would jeopardize his political survival. "Clearly, there is a great willingness to help Musharraf," an American intelligence official told me. A C.I.A. analyst said that it was his understanding that the decision to permit the airlift was made by the White House and was indeed driven by a desire to protect the Pakistani leader. The airlift "made sense at the time," the C.I.A. analyst said. "Many of the people they spirited away were the Taliban leadership""who Pakistan hoped could play a role in a postwar Afghan government. According to this person, "Musharraf wanted to have these people to put another card on the table" in future political negotiations. "We were supposed to have access to them," he said, but "it didn't happen," and the rescued Taliban remain unavailable to American intelligence.
 
According to a former high-level American defense official, the airlift was approved because of representations by the Pakistanis that "there were guys" intelligence agents and underground guys"who needed to get out."
 
Once under way, a senior American defense adviser said, the airlift became chaotic. "Everyone brought their friends with them," he said, referring to the Afghans with whom the Pakistanis had worked, and whom they had trained or had used to run intelligence operations. "You're not going to leave them behind to get their throats cut." Recalling the last-minute American evacuation at the end of the Vietnam War, in 1975, the adviser added, "When we came out of Saigon, we brought our boys with us." He meant South Vietnamese nationals. " 'How many does that helicopter hold? Ten? We're bringing fourteen.' "
 
The Bush Administration may have done more than simply acquiesce in the rescue effort: at the height of the standoff, according to both a C.I.A. official and a military analyst who has worked with the Delta Force, the American commando unit that was destroying Taliban units on the ground, the Administration ordered the United States Central Command to set up a special air corridor to help insure the safety of the Pakistani rescue flights from Kunduz to the northwest corner of Pakistan, about two hundred miles away. The order left some members of the Delta Force deeply frustrated. "These guys did Desert Storm and Mogadishu," the military analyst said. "They see things in black-and-white. 'Unhappy' is not the word. They're supposed to be killing people." The airlift also angered the Northern Alliance, whose leadership, according to Reuel Gerecht, a former Near East operative for the C.I.A., had sought unsuccessfully for years to "get people to pay attention to the Pakistani element" among the Taliban. The Northern Alliance was eager to capture "mainline Pakistani military and intelligence officers" at Kunduz, Gerecht said. "When the rescue flights started, it touched a raw nerve."
 
Just as Pakistan has supported the Taliban in Afghanistan, Pakistan's arch-rival India has supported the Northern Alliance. Operatives in India's main external intelligence unit"known as RAW, for Research and Analysis Wing"reported extensively on the Pakistani airlift out of Kunduz. (The Taliban and Al Qaeda have declared the elimination of India's presence in the contested territory of Kashmir as a major goal.) RAW has excellent access to the Northern Alliance and a highly sophisticated ability to intercept electronic communications. An Indian military adviser boasted that when the airlift began "we knew within minutes." In interviews in New Delhi, Indian national-security and intelligence officials repeatedly declared that the airlift had rescued not only members of the Pakistani military but Pakistani citizens who had volunteered to fight against the Northern Alliance, as well as non-Pakistani Taliban and Al Qaeda. Brajesh Mishra, India's national-security adviser, said his government had concluded that five thousand Pakistanis and Taliban"he called it "a ballpark figure""had been rescued.
 
According to RAW's senior analyst for Pakistani and Afghan issues, the most extensive rescue efforts took place on three nights at the time of the fall of Kunduz. Indian intelligence had concluded that eight thousand or more men were trapped inside the city in the last days of the siege, roughly half of whom were Pakistanis. (Afghans, Uzbeks, Chechens, and various Arab mercenaries accounted for the rest.) At least five flights were specifically "confirmed" by India's informants, the RAW analyst told me, and many more were believed to have taken place.
 
In the Indian assessment, thirtythree hundred prisoners surrendered to a Northern Alliance tribal faction headed by General Abdul Rashid Dostum. A few hundred Taliban were also turned over to other tribal leaders. That left between four and five thousand men unaccounted for. "Where are the balance?" the intelligence officer asked. According to him, two Pakistani Army generals were on the flights.
 
None of the American intelligence officials I spoke with were able to say with certainty how many Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters were flown to safety, or may have escaped from Kunduz by other means.
 
India, wary of antagonizing the Bush Administration, chose not to denounce the airlift at the time. But there was a great deal of anger within the Indian government. "We had all the information, but we did not go public," the Indian military adviser told me. "Why should we embarrass you? We should be sensible." A RAW official said that India had intelligence that Musharraf's message to the Americans had been that he didn't want to see body bags coming back to Pakistan. Brajesh Mishra told me that diplomatic notes protesting the airlift were sent to Britain and the United States. Neither responded, he said.
 
Mishra also said that Indian intelligence was convinced that many of the airlifted fighters would soon be infiltrated into Kashmir. There was a precedent for this. In the past, the Pakistani Army's Inter-Services Intelligence agency (I.S.I.) had trained fighters in Afghanistan and then funnelled them into Kashmir. One of India's most senior intelligence officials also told me, "Musharraf can't afford to keep the Taliban in Pakistan. They're dangerous to his own regime. Our reading is that the fighters can go only to Kashmir."
 
Kashmir, on India's northern border, is a predominantly Muslim territory that has been fiercely disputed since Partition, in 1947. Both India and Pakistan have waged war to support their claim. Pakistanis believe that Kashmir should have become part of their country in the first place, and that India reneged on the promise of a plebiscite to determine its future. India argues that a claim to the territory on religious grounds is a threat to India's status as a secular, multi-ethnic nation. Kashmir is now divided along a carefully drawn line of control, but cross-border incursions"many of them bloody"occur daily.
 
Three weeks after the airlift, on December 13th, a suicide squad of five heavily armed Muslim terrorists drove past a barrier at the Indian Parliament, in New Delhi, and rushed the main building. At one point, the terrorists were only a few feet from the steps to the office of India's Vice-President, Krishan Kant. Nine people were killed in the shoot-out, in addition to the terrorists, and many others were injured. The country's politicians and the press felt that a far greater tragedy had only narrowly been averted.
 
In India, the Parliament assault was regarded as comparable to September 11th. Indian intelligence quickly concluded that the attack had been organized by operatives from two long-standing Kashmiri terrorist organizations that were believed to be heavily supported by the I.S.I.
 
Brajesh Mishra told me that if the attack on the Parliament had resulted in a more significant number of casualties "there would have been mayhem." India deployed hundreds of thousands of troops along its border with Pakistan, and publicly demanded that Musharraf take steps to cut off Pakistani support for the groups said to be involved. "Nobody in India wants war, but other options are not ruled out," Mishra said.
 
The crisis escalated, with military men on both sides declaring that they were prepared to face nuclear war, if necessary. Last week, Colin Powell, the Secretary of State, travelled to the region and urged both sides to withdraw their troops, cool the rhetoric, and begin constructive talks about Kashmir.
 
Under prodding from the Bush Administration, Musharraf has taken action against his country's fundamentalist terror organizations. In the last month, the government has made more than a thousand arrests, seized bank accounts, and ordered the I.S.I. to stop all support for terrorist groups operating inside Kashmir. In a televised address to the nation on January 12th, Musharraf called for an end to terrorism, but he also went beyond the most recent dispute with India and outlined a far-reaching vision of Pakistan as a modern state. "The day of reckoning has come," he said. "Do we want Pakistan to become a theocratic state? Do we believe that religious education alone is enough for governance? Or do we want Pakistan to emerge as a progressive and dynamic Islamic welfare state?" The fundamentalists, he added, "did nothing except contribute to bloodshed in Afghanistan. I ask of them whether they know anything other than disruption and sowing seeds of hatred. Does Islam preach this?"
 
"Musharraf has not done as much as the Indians want," a Bush Administration official who is deeply involved in South Asian issues said. "But he's done more than I'd thought he'd do. He had to do something, because the Indians are so wound up." The official also said, however, that Musharraf could not last in office if he conceded the issue of Kashmir to India, and would not want to do so in any case. "He is not a fundamentalist but a Pakistani nationalist"he genuinely believes that Kashmir 'should be ours.' At the end of the day, Musharraf would come out ahead if he could get rid of the Pakistani and Kashmiri terrorists"if he can survive it. They have eaten the vitals out of Pakistan." In his address, Musharraf was unyielding on that subject. "Kashmir runs in our blood," he said. "No Pakistani can afford to sever links with Kashmir. . . . We will never budge an inch from our principled stand on Kashmir."
 
Milton Bearden, a former C.I.A. station chief in Pakistan who helped run the Afghan war against the Soviet Union in the late nineteen-eighties and worked closely with the I.S.I., believes that the Indian government is cynically using the Parliament bombing to rally public support for the conflict with Pakistan. "The Indians are just playing brinkmanship now"moving troops up to the border," he said. "Until September 11th, they thought they'd won this thing"they had Pakistan on the ropes." Because of its nuclear program, he said, "Pakistan was isolated and sanctioned by the United States, with only China left as an ally. Never mind that the only country in South Asia that always did what we asked was Pakistan." As for Musharraf, Bearden said, "What can he do? Does he really have the Army behind him? Yes, but maybe by only forty-eight to fifty-two per cent." Bearden went on, "Musharraf is not going to be a Kemal Atatürk""the founder of the secular Turkish state""but as long as he can look over his shoulder and see that Rich Armitage""the United States Deputy Secretary of State""and Don Rumsfeld are with him he might be able to stop the extremism."
 
A senior Pakistani diplomat depicted India as suffering from "jilted-lover syndrome""referring to the enormous amount of American attention and financial aid that the Musharraf government has received since September 11th. "The situation is bloody explosive," the diplomat said, and argued that Musharraf has not been given enough credit from the Indian leadership for the "sweeping changes" that have taken place in Pakistan. "Short of saying it is now a secular Pakistan, he's redefined and changed the politics of the regime," the diplomat said. "He has de-legitimized religious fundamentalism." The diplomat told me that the critical question for Pakistan, India, and the rest of South Asia is "Will the Americans stay involved for the long haul, or will attention shift to Somalia or Iraq? I don't know."
 
Inevitably, any conversation about tension between India and Pakistan turns to the issue of nuclear weapons. Both countries have warheads and the means to deliver them. (India's capabilities, conventional and nuclear, are far greater"between sixty and ninety warheads"while Pakistan is thought to have between thirty and fifty.) A retired C.I.A. officer who served as station chief in South Asia told me that what he found disturbing was the "imperfect intelligence" each country has as to what the other side's intentions are. "Couple that with the fact that these guys have a propensity to believe the worst of each other, and have nuclear weapons, and you end up saying, 'My God, get me the hell out of here.' " Milton Bearden agreed that the I.S.I. and RAW are "equally bad" at assessing each other.
 
In New Delhi, I got a sense of how dangerous the situation is, in a conversation with an Indian diplomat who has worked at the highest levels of his country's government. He told me that he believes India could begin a war with Pakistan and not face a possible nuclear retaliation. He explained, "When Pakistan went nuclear, we called their bluff." He was referring to a tense moment in 1990, when India moved its Army en masse along the Pakistani border and then sat back while the United States mediated a withdrawal. "We found, through intelligence, that there was a lot of bluster." He and others in India concluded that Pakistan was not willing to begin a nuclear confrontation. "We've found there is a lot of strategic space between a low-intensity war waged with Pakistan and the nuclear threshold," the diplomat said. "Therefore, we are utilizing military options without worrying about the nuclear threshold." If that turned out to be a miscalculation and Pakistan initiated the use of nuclear weapons, he said, then India would respond in force. "And Pakistan would cease to exist."
 
The Bush Administration official involved in South Asian issues acknowledged that there are some people in India who seem willing to gamble that "you can have war but not use nuclear weapons." He added, "Both nations need to sit down and work out the red lines""the points of no return. "They've never done that."
 
An American intelligence official told me that the Musharraf regime had added to the precariousness of the military standoff with India by reducing the amount of time it would take for Pakistan to execute a nuclear strike. Pakistan keeps control over its nuclear arsenal in part by storing its warheads separately from its missile- and aircraft-delivery systems. In recent weeks, he said, the time it takes to get the warheads in the air has been cut to just three hours""and that's too close. Both sides have their nukes in place and ready to roll."
 
Even before the airlift from Kunduz, the Indians were enraged by the Bush Administration's decision to make Pakistan its chief ally in the Afghanistan war. "Musharraf has two-timed you," a recently retired senior member of India's diplomatic service told me in New Delhi earlier this month. "What have you gained? Have you captured Osama bin Laden?" He said that although India would do nothing to upset the American campaign in Afghanistan, "We will turn the heat on Musharraf. He'll go back to terrorism as long as the heat is off." (Milt Bearden scoffed at that characterization. "Musharraf doesn't have time to two-time anybody," he said. "He wakes up every morning and has to head out with his bayonet, trying to find the land mines.")
 
Some C.I.A. analysts believe that bin Laden eluded American capture inside Afghanistan with help from elements of the Pakistani intelligence service. "The game against bin Laden is not over," one analyst told me in early January. He speculated that bin Laden could be on his way to Somalia, "his best single place to hide." Al Qaeda is known to have an extensive infrastructure there. The analyst said that he had concluded that "he's out. We've been looking for bombing targets for weeks and weeks there but can't identify them."
 
Last week, Donald Rumsfeld told journalists that he believed bin Laden was still in Afghanistan. Two days later, in Pakistan, Musharraf announced that he thought bin Laden was probably dead"of kidney disease.
 
A senior C.I.A. official, when asked for comment, cautioned that there were a variety of competing assessments inside the agency as to bin Laden's whereabouts. "We really don't know," he said. "We'll get him, but anybody who tells you we know where he is is full of it."
 
India's grievances"over the Pakistani airlift, the continuing terrorism in Kashmir, and Musharraf's new status with Washington"however heartfelt, may mean little when it comes to effecting a dramatic change of American policy in South Asia. India's democracy and its tradition of civilian control over the military make it less of a foreign-policy priority than Pakistan. The Bush Administration has put its prestige, and American aid money, behind Musharraf, in the gamble"thus far successful"that he will continue to move Pakistan, and its nuclear arsenal, away from fundamentalism. The goal is to stop nuclear terrorism as well as political terrorism. It's a tall order, and missteps are inevitable. Nonetheless, the White House remains optimistic. An Administration official told me that, given the complications of today's politics, he still believed that Musharraf was the best Pakistani leader the Indians could hope for, whether they recognize it or not. "After him, they could only get something worse."
 
 
 
"If this were a dictatorship, it'd be a heck of a lot easier - just so long as I'm the dictator."
 
-- President-Elect George W. Bush, CNN News, Aired December 18, 2000 - 12:00 p.m. ET http://www.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0012/18/nd.01.html
 
 
 
US 'Let Taleban Men Escape'
 
By James Bone in New York The Sunday Times of London 1-21-02
 
THE United States secretly approved rescue flights by Pakistan into Kunduz that let Taleban leaders and al-Qaeda fighters escape from the besieged northern Afghan city before its fall last year, New Yorker magazine reports today.
 
US intelligence officials and military officers said that the Bush Administration approved the flights and ordered US Central Command to set up a special air corridor to ensure their safety to allow evacuation of Pakistani soldiers and intelligence men stranded by Northern Alliance victories.
 
"What was supposed to be a limited evacuation apparently slipped out of control and, as an unintended consequence, an unknown number of Taleban and al-Qaeda fighters managed to join in the exodus," the magazine reports.
 
One senior US defence adviser said: "Everyone brought their friends with them. You're not going to leave them behind to get their throats cut."
 
Mysterious flights into Kunduz were reported by Northern Alliance officials in mid-November, but US and Pakistani officials denied an evacuation was under way.
 
Seymour Hersh, who wrote the report, said that President Musharraf of Pakistan won US support for the rescue by arguing that losing the men would risk his political survival.
 
A US supply helicopter crashed in Afghanistan, killing two Marines and injuring the other five aboard yesterday. The cause of the crash was not immediately known. http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/0,,3-2002033128,00.html
 
 
 
Did We Let Him Escape on Purpose? (A Speculative Note)
 
By Jack Wheeler Freedom Research Foundation 12-18-01
 
There is an irresistibly intriguing rumor making the rounds on Capitol Hill today. It is that the Pentagon and the CIA could have nailed Osama bin Laden in Tora Bora last week, but let him escape instead.
 
Why would they do such a thing? A "Twofer Payback" is the answer.
 
Let's draw up a list of prospective countries to where OBL might run, places anarchic or insanely hubristic enough to provide him on-the-lam shelter. There are five.
 
Somalia. What better justification, what better opportunity, could there be to pay back the Somali savages who killed 18 U.S. peacekeeping soldiers and dragged several of their bodies through the streets of Mogadishu in 1993, than if OBL escaped to Somalia? There have got to be vast legions of folks in the U.S. military who are right now praying, "If he got away, please let him get away to Somalia."
 
Iraq. GW is working overtime to create a rationale for going after Saddam and getting our European allies behind it. If Saddam were fool enough to take OBL in, no more rationale is needed. The BLU-82 Daisy Cutters and GBU-28 Bunker Busters start dropping tomorrow.
 
Iran. While it seems unlikely the mullahs would help and hide OBL, his presence and the massive U.S. military strike against it would immediately precipitate a national uprising. Iran is a desiccated tinderbox, ready at any moment to burst into flames of revolutionary revenge against the mullahs. OBL's fleeing to Iran would be the catalyst for conversion of Iran from theocratic tyranny to secular pro-West democracy.
 
Saudi Arabia. OBL's ultimate fantasy is to become the Ayatollah Khomeini of Saudi Arabia. He has strong support by the ultra-puritanical Wahabis, the Islamic sect that financially sponsored the Taliban and are now dedicated to purging Mohammed's sacred homeland of the corrupt Saudi royal family. The Wahabis providing sanctuary to Osama, and trying to instigate a civil war thereby, would give the Saudi royals, backed by U.S. firepower, the excuse they need to wipe them out for good.
 
Pakistan. As anyone who has traveled through the Pushtun area of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan knows, the Pak government exercises diaphanously nominal control over it. If a Pushtun tribe with more hubris than brains gives OBL sanctuary, it is the pretext for the Pakistani military still dominated by Punjabis who despise the Pushtuns with U.S. firepower to establish sovereignty over their entire country and end the endemic anarchy.
 
There is simply no way for Osama bin Laden to vanish in obscurity. These five countries seem to be the only conceivable places to where he might attempt escaping. There are quite beneficial consequences for the U.S. should he do so to any of the five. Thus the rumor. It may be nothing more. The possibility of a Twofer Payback has, nonetheless, a magnetic appeal.
 
(c) 2001 Dr. Jack Wheeler and the Freedom Research Foundation http://www.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2001/12/18/154224.shtml
 
 
 
Aghan Commanders: We've Got Bin Laden Cornered
 
By Carl Limbacher and NewsMax.com Staff 12-15-01
 
Anti-Taliban forces fighting alongside the U.S. in the Tora Bora region of Afghanistan say they are certain that terrorist mastermind Osama bin Laden is now holed up in one cave complex in the Agam Valley.
 
"There is one cave surrounded by my forces," said Hazrat Ali, the warlord leading the attack on Tora Bora. "I think there is one place where Osama is. They are surrounded and they cannot escape," he added, according to the New York Post.
 
While the Pentagon won't go so far as to second Ali's claims, military planners are said to be encouraged by the fierce fighting put up by al-Qaeda forces in the region.
 
U.S. strategists believe al-Qaeda troops would have long ago surrendered unless they were protecting some very important prize.
 
Along with the reports from Afghan field commanders, battle zone radio intercepts also suggest bin Laden remains pinned down in the region.
 
One concern is the cave complexes themselves, some of which are believed to extend for 50 miles and stretch underneath the Pakistani border.
 
Pakistani President Gen. Pervez Mussharaf has ordered 4,000 troops to the region to intercept al-Qaeda forces should they decide to flee. http://www.newsmax.com/showinside.shtml?a=2001/12/15/75907
 
 
 
"Operation Northwoods may be the most corrupt plan ever created by the U.S. government. Operation Northwoods had called for nothing less than the launch of a secret campaign of terrorism within the United States in order to blame Castro and provoke a war with Cuba." - James Bamford, from Body of Secrets (published April 2001)
 
"There are no innocent civilians..., so it doesn't bother me so much to be killing innocent bystanders". - General Curtis E. LeMay, US Air Force Chief of Staff (1961 - 1965), Vice Presidential running mate of George Wallace, National Journal, 11/26/94
 
 
 
 
Friendly Fire - U.S. Military Drafted Plans to Terrorize U.S. Cities to Provoke War With Cuba
 
By David Ruppe ABC News.com May 1, 2001
 
N E W Y O R K, May 1 - In the early 1960s, America's top military leaders reportedly drafted plans to kill innocent people and commit acts of terrorism in U.S. cities to create public support for a war against Cuba. Code named Operation Northwoods, the plans reportedly included the possible assassination of Cuban émigrés, sinking boats of Cuban refugees on the high seas, hijacking planes, blowing up a U.S. ship, and even orchestrating violent terrorism in U.S. cities. The plans were developed as ways to trick the American public and the international community into supporting a war to oust Cuba's then new leader, communist Fidel Castro. http://abcnews.go.com/sections/us/DailyNews/jointchiefs_010501.html
 
 
 
New Book On NSA Sheds Light On Secrets - US Terror Plan Called Cuba Invasion Pretext
 
The Baltimore Sun 4-24-01 http://www.baltimoresun.com/bal-te.md.nsa24apr24.story
 
 
 
TOP SECRET SPECIAL HANDLING NOFORN [declassified 2000]
 
The Joint Chiefs of Staff Washington DC
 
Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense
 
Subject: Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)
 
JCS to Secretary of War Robert McNamara March 13, 1962
 
1. The Joint Chiefs of Staff have considered the attatched memorandum for the chief of Operations, Cuba Project, which responds to a request by that office for brief but precise description of pretexts which would provide justification for US military intervention in Cuba.
 
2. The Joint Chiefs of Staff recommend that the proposed memorandum be forwarded as a preliminary submission suitable for planning purproses. It is assumed that there will be similar submissions from other agencies and that these inputs will be used as a basis for developing a time-phased plan. Individual projects can then be considered on a case-by-case basis.
 
3. Further, it is assumed that a single agency will be given the primary responsibility for developing military and para-military [terrorist] aspects of the basic plan. It is recommended that this responsibility for both overt and covert military operations be assigned to the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
 
For the Joint Chiefs of Staff signed: L.L. Limnitzer, General Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff
 
Note by the Secretaries to the Joint Chiefs of Staff on Northwoods
 
Footnoted memorandums:
 
"Operation Mongoose"
 
"Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba"
 
RECOMMENDATIONS:
 
This paper NOT be forwarded to commanders of specified or unified commands.
 
This paper NOT be forwarded to US officers assigned to NATO activities.
 
This paper NOT be forwarded to the Chairman, US Delegation, United Nations Military Staff Committee.
 
Such a plan would enable a logical buildup of incidents to be combined with other seemingly unrelated events to camoflage the ultimate objective and create the necessary impression of Cuban rashness and irresponsibility on a large scale, directed at other countries in addition to the United States. The desired resultant from the execution of this plan would would be to place the United States in the apparent position of suffering defensible grievances.
 
A series of well-coordinated incidents will be planned to take place to give genuine appearance of being done by hostile Cuban forces.
 
Incidents to establish a credible attack:
 
1. Start rumors (many). Use clandestine radio.
 
2. Land friendly Cubans in uniform "over-the-fence" to stage attack on the base.
 
3. Capture Cuban (friendly) sabateurs inside the base.
 
4. Start riots near the entrance to the base (friendly Cubans).
 
5. Blow up ammunition inside the base; start fires.
 
6. Burn aircraft on airbase (sabatage).
 
7. Lob morter shells from outsidethe base to inside the base. Some damage to installation.
 
8. Capture assault teams.
 
9. Capture militia group which storms the base.
 
10. Sabotage ship in harbor; large fires -- napthalene [napalm].
 
11. Sink ship near harbor entrance. Conduct funerals for mock-victims.
 
(b) United States would respond by executing offensive operations.
 
3. A "Remember the Maine" incident could be arranged in several forms:
 
a. We could blow up a US ship and blame Cuba.
 
b. We could blow up a drone (unmannded) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. The presense of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The US could follow with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to "evacuate" remaining members of the non-existant crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
 
c. We could develop a Communist Cuba terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Flordia cities and even in Washington. The terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cubans in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few bombs in carefully chosen spots. The arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating cuban involvement.
 
5. A "Cuban-based, Castro-supported" filibuster could be simulated against a neighboring Caribbean nation. These efforts can be magnified with additional ones contrived for exposure. "Cuban" B-26 or C-46 type aircraft could make cane-burning raids at night. Soviet Bloc incidiaries could be found. This could be coupled with "Cuban" messages to the Communist underground and "Cuban" shipments of arms which would be found, or intercepted, on the beach.
 
6. Use of MIG-type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Harassment of civil air, attacks on surface shipping, and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type palnes would be useful. An F-86 properly painted would convince air passengers that they saw a Cuban MIG, especially if the pilot of the transport were to announce that fact.
 
7. Hijacking attampts against US civil air and surface craft should be encouraged.
 
8. It is possible to create an incident which would demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civilian airliner from the United States.
 
a. An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the duplicate would be subsituted for the actual civil aircraft and the passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be converted to a drone.
 
b. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rondevous. From the rondevous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly to an auxiliary airfield at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. Meanwhile the drone aircraft will continue to fly the filed flight plan. The drone will be transmitting on the international distress frequency "MAY DAY" message stating it is under attack by Cuban MIG aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by the destruction of aircraft which will be triggered by radio signal. This will allow IACO radio stations to tell the US what has happened to the aircraft instead of the US trying to "sell" the incident.
 
9. It is possible to create an incident that will make it appear that Communist Cuban MIGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack.
 
b. On one such flight, a pre-briefed pilot would fly Tail-end Charlie. While near the cuban island this pilot would broadcast that he had been jumped by MIGs and was going down. This pilot would then fly at extremely low altitude and land at a secure base, an Eglin auxiliary. The aircraft would be met by the proper people, quickly stored and given a new tail number. The pilot who performed the mission under an alias would resume his proper identity. The pilot andaircraft would then have disappeared.
 
c. A submarine or small craft would distribute F-101 parts, parachute, etc. The pilots retuning to Homestead would have a true story as far as they knew. Search ships and aircraft could be dispatched and parts of aircraft found.
 
3. It is understood that the Department of State is also preparing suggested courses of action to develope justification for US military intervention in Cuba.
 
by Col. Edward Lansdale, Chief of the Cuba Project, CIA liason to USAF
 
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010430/doc1.pdf


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