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Bill Clinton - President For Life
He left the White House in disgrace after doling out dubious
pardons. Now, only months later, Bill Clinton's popularity at
home and abroad has reached new heights. Freed from the ties of
office, he has become the first truly global politician
 
By Ed Vulliamy
The Observer - London
9-9-1

'Now I've come home at last,' exalted the world's most boisterous hobo, arriving at his own party on Harlem's Adam Clayton Plaza, named after a famous militant black politician. Bill Clinton may be from a poor white family in rural Arkansas, and many of his guests this warm summer evening were political wheeler-dealers from deep inside the Washington Beltway, but the crowd that turned out to give Clinton a tumultuous welcome the day he became a citizen of Harlem was black and proud of him. One man even painted dreadlocks on the smiling photo- portrait - one of hundreds - that were waved beneath a thicket of red, white and blue balloons.
 
The Harlem Sax Seven played 'Stand By Me' and the crowd even sang 'We Shall Overcome'. Clinton wiped his eyes. 'You were there on the darkest days and the best days,' he told the multitude, some of whom had waited since sunrise to see him. 'And I want to be a good neighbour in Harlem on the best days and the dark days.' Within a few of the best days, Clinton was doing a turn at an Aids benefit in the neighbouring Apollo Theatre, on a stage once graced by Billie Holliday and Bessie Smith.
 
If you hate Bill Clinton, this was the repellent sight of him coming 'home' to the last place in America that would have him. If you love Bill Clinton, this was the heartwarming proof that he really is the people's President, in or out of office. Clinton may be founding father of the 'Third Way' in politics, but when it comes to the man himself, there is no middle ground.
 
The party marked the official opening of Clinton's new office at 55 W. 125th St - the penthouse of a nondescript building that runs through the revitalised ghetto. The office is painted in creamy tones with the help of the same interior designer who outfitted the home of hip-hop impresario Sean 'P. Diddy' Combs, and is kitted out with oversized chairs designed by Madonna's brother, Christopher Ciccone.
 
But this was also the moment at which the man who coined the notion of a 'permanent campaign' established a 'permanent Presidency'. It was a confirmation that, after a curious exit from office marked by both defiance and shame, the extraordinary Comeback Kid had come back yet again.
 
Small wonder, then, what Bill Clinton chose to wear (especially for the cameras) during a recent lads' holiday jaunt with Anthony 'Hannibal' Hopkins to Rio de Janeiro. Hopkins, white haired, donned a tropical shirt and peered from behind sunglasses while the ever-buoyant Clinton carried a football and sported a 'Harlem 125th St.' subway station T-shirt, while the pair of old rogues checked out (and were checked out by) the local girls from Ipanema.
 
Clinton, not Hopkins, stole the show - but then, as the jester at the court of Hollywood, Joe Eszterhas, wrote in his book about Clinton: who could dream up a better drama than the Clinton presidency and its supposedly scandalous slide into supposed disgrace? Answer: the larger-than-life, now defiantly returned, Prodigal President Bill Clinton himself.
 
But the resurrected Bill Clinton is considerably more than a character out of some West Wing II movie. Clinton is establishing himself as a cogent, global political figure addressing the next generation of supra-national priorities. Some of these involve learning from admitted mistakes made during his presidency, such as failure to intervene in the calamities of Rwanda and Bosnia. Others, like Clinton's present immersion in the Aids crisis and questions of debt and poverty in the Third World appear to demonstrate the Bill Clinton he wishes he could have been as president - unfettered, more politically liberal than when he was, ironically, restrained by power. Above all, Clinton is preparing to bare his teeth a little over the backdrop to all contemporary politics: globalisation.
 
Last Thursday one of the people closest to Clinton during the second administration, Sidney Blumenthal, came out from the penumbra in which he worked avidly as 'intermediary' in developing and communicating the President's policies to deliver a lecture inaugurating the new term for students at Bard University in New York. Blumenthal revealed Clinton as a more impatient, radical reformer of the new economy.
 
'We don't see this as a conservative period, as Bush does,' said Blumenthal. 'Clinton is getting together with political leaders and has become engaged in the controversies over globalisation... Clinton believed the protesters in Seattle did have something to say, that there is an important debate throughout the whole world around these issues.' Blumenthal said he thought Tony Blair, Clinton's friend and ally, 'would have behaved a lot differently in Genoa if Clinton had been there. I think the attitude taken in Genoa was the wrong approach, even by heads of state I have a lot of respect for. This authoritarian and coercive approach is wrong.'
 
Of domestic policy, he said: 'I regard the Clinton agenda as unfinished. I regard it as up to the progressive democrats of the future to finish it.'
 
With all this to propel him, Clinton - at 54, one of the youngest ex-Presidents ever - has become a picture of boundless, restless energy. Now you see him, now you don't. Hugging Nelson Mandela in Johannesburg, cheering Andre Agassi at the French Open; then, voila! - he's at a beach house party in Los Angeles playing snooker with Liz Hurley and chatting up Sheryl Crow. Now he is being mobbed in Ireland, still the beloved peacemaker; then at a Manhattan society soirÈe with Christie Brinkley, and suddenly in the royal box at Wimbledon. 'It's called living,'said his friend and former national security adviser Sandy Berger. 'That's the luxury of being out of office.'
 
It wasn't quite that simple. His was a Janus-faced departure torn between defiance and shame. His last months had been similarly schizophrenic; he appeared to alternate between a brooding melancholia and acceleration of his unfinished political business, with sweeping decrees to protect wilderness from speculation by business, and for trade union and patient rights. He took to playing solitary golf in the rain, driving the ball with frustrated, demonic accuracy; then lingered to chew the fat with reporters on policy matters, long after the official press briefings had finished. One minute, Clinton would be saying in a speech: 'In 200 years time, no one will remember who any of us were'; the next, he would be working the rope line down the last straggler, shaking the last hand like an addict needing his fix of the adulation that 'permanent campaigning' brings, and paying with nanoseconds of genuine affection.
 
While Bush ascended to an office tainted by halted recounts and a politicised Supreme Court, Clinton gave a speech vowing that America had by no means heard the last of him. It was by far the best of the day - a puckish breach of protocol, pregnant with political potential. Hillary had meanwhile won the Senatorial election to represent New York, and the couple prepared to establish the rival court of the presidency-in- exile in Washington.
 
But allegations of squalidity and dishonesty that had marred a stubbornly popular presidency threatened to follow the Clintons into political disgrace. A spin exercise by the new White House was quick to feed gullible newspapers with rumours about a 'trashing' of the presidential home by Clinton's outgoing team, and a 'theft' of gifts made to the institution rather than the First Couple that amounted to looting. The first turned out to be spurious, the second an exaggerated manipulation.
 
More serious were scandals that broke over pardons granted by the President on that last day in office. None for the American Indian activist Leonard Peltier - whose challenge against a dodgy conviction had become the cause of an entire people - but clemency generously bestowed on what quickly emerged as a rogues' gallery. There was a clutch of shady characters, including a heroin trafficker, for whom the First Couple's embarrassing respective brothers, Roger Clinton and Hugh Rodham, had lobbied (for money, of course). But most damaging was the odious figure of Marc Rich.
 
Rich was a fugitive living in a gated palace under the protection of Swiss banking and extradition laws, wanted by the FBI for fraud and other misdemeanors of the super-rich. Rich had played his part in sanctions-busting to apartheid South Africa, the economic rape of post-Soviet Russia and other similar commendations, while his Manhattan socialite former wife pleaded his cause by throwing money at the Clintons and even gave Bill a saxophone. It also emerged that Rich was a lavish benefactor to charities in Israel with curious associations to the Mossad secret service, and that his pardon - painstakingly negotiated with Clinton's friend Prime Minister Ehud Barak after a bombardment of pleas from Jerusalem - was in some way stitched into the Camp David peace agreement. The political connection was sold to America as a mitigating circumstance for the pardon, and Houdini Clinton escaped again.
 
But only as far as the new family home in the sleepy New York dormitory town of Chappaqua. 'It was a terrible 60 to 90 days', said Terry McAuliffe, one of Clinton's closet confidants in the Democrat Party (now chairman of the Democrat National Committee). 'A very difficult time for him.' 'I've never had a period of my life when I didn't have a good time,'said Clinton himself. 'What I miss most is my work, about having influence on things I cared about'.
 
Clinton had time on his hands. The man who once gridlocked US cities at the head of presidential motorcades now moved around with only two Secret Service agents, pulling up at stop signs like everyone else. Clinton was often alone in the house while Hillary busied herself in Washington. They had aimed to spend three nights a week together, but her travel schedules made that impossible. Instead, Buddy the dog often slept beside one of the world's most visibly libidinous men.
 
Clinton got up and took breakfast with his valet, Oscar. He read the Wall Street Journal and New York Times, in which he would have seen a description of himself as 'adrift and isolated'. 'It must just kill him to wake up, see a critical problem and not to be able to call Prime Ministers and kings and queens to try and resolve it,' says his friend Pete King, a New York Congressman. 'Ive never seen anyone who so has to be in the centre of the action'.
 
Clinton managed life's daily details clumsily. He had difficulties with an ATM cash card. McAuliffe recalls Clinton dropping off the line three times during a conversation while he fumbled to use a portable phone. A basement flood badly damaged a rare book collection Clinton treasured; his home insurer told him to get over it; basement floods weren't covered.
 
There was a humility and humanity to this new life. When 12- year-old twins Amanda and Jonathan Schwebel needed help with a school project on the impact of technology on everyday life, they asked their neighbour up the road for his take. The seventh-graders at Robert Bell Middle School wrote Bill Clinton a note and next afternoon had received a reply: yes, he was available. Within an hour, the twins were in the former President's living room talking about mobile phones and Palm Pilots, which Clinton found hard to operate. The President sat in a rocking chair for this session. But he was never going to remain there for long. Clinton had stopped still for the first moment in decades. He used that moment to take a breath, get up and move on again.
 
Sidney Blumenthal last week described what it was like to work in the Clinton White House: 'It was like a 24-hour game of pick- up basketball. Clinton would ask: "what do you think of this?" - during a day in which he had asked the same question to 10 more people and done the same thing on six other topics. You never knew when - he could call you at midnight, any time. There's an inherent instability in the psychology of a place like that, and it drove a lot of people crazy. I happen to think it was a very positive and dynamic way to do things.'
 
And, added Blumenthal: 'I don't think he can ever stop being Bill Clinton. I think the President has not completely defined his role; I don't think he'll have a formal role or seek office, like Secretary General of the UN - these are fantasies - -he is going to be himself.'
 
Clinton's rediscovery of himself this year began overseas. His trip to India in April was a turning point - an echo of his historic visit of March 2000, the first by a US President in 22 years, which brushed aside decades of mutual distrust between the world's two largest electoral democracies. This time, he headed for the area stricken by an earthquake that had killed more than 20,000 people back in January and left a million more homeless. This time, Oscar the valet laid roses on a muddy path where 156 children had been killed. Huge crowds chanted 'Cleen- ton, Cleen-ton', and he promised he would keep returning to India for 'the rest of my life'. His reason was interesting: 'I'm just trying to find something useful to do in a place I care about.'
 
Clinton's transglobal tour since then has been dazzling - after a visit to Australia later this year (following the Middle and Far East, again), he will have breezed through every continent except Antarctica, and some 25 countries. Most cogent, arguably, was Ireland, where Clinton remains a bittersweet symbol of a moment come and gone, a chance lost, with his sax concert in Belfast and that unforgettable walk across the 'peace line', now violated by the firebombing of schoolchildren. In the Republic, Clinton was hailed as hero and almost mobbed; Bono of U2 presented himself as a big fan. In the North, eggs thrown by Protestant extremists not only missed, they entrenched his standing. In South Africa, Clinton was greeted by Nelson Mandela as a partner on the same road, brother almost, if not equal.
 
There is also a domestic dimension to Clinton's political comeback. Mark Penn, his former White House pollster, published a survey recently, demonstrating that 48 per cent of voters would be more comfortable with Clinton as President, compared with 36 per cent for Bush. 'That's evidence,' says Penn, 'that they're putting everything in perspective.' Clinton's social circle has changed little since he was President: he passes time with Blumenthal, McAuliffe, former campaign strategist James Carville and former aides Erskine Bowles, Douglas Sosnik, John Podesta and Cheryl Mills - all of whom are busy busily plotting the next, post-presidential Clinton strategy.
 
'The issues that animated his presidency are still the ones he wants to work on and make a contribution to,' Podesta said. 'He wants to leave footprints.' Representative Adam Schiff of California said Clinton invited him and a small group of colleagues to breakfast at his Washington home last month and held forth on current issues. 'He's one of the most brilliant strategists our party's ever had,' Schiff said, adding that he was reminded of how Clinton is out of power at an age when most people are just ascending to it. 'It presents an almost unprecedented dilemma of what you do as a former President.'
 
Bill Clinton is politically dangerous to his ideological opponents again because he is doing what he does best, therefore enjoying life again. Citizen Clinton is happy to hop onto a shuttle plane when he goes to Washington. Internationally, he travels on commercial flights, often holding ad-hoc seminars with fellow passengers in first class, much as he did in the Oval Office. In the airport, he will lecture his entourage on the merits or demerits of Burger King and 'Au Bon Pain'.
 
Jennifer Palmieri, a former White House aide who has travelled abroad with Clinton, says he now realises when staff members rib him with mocking comments. As President, she recalls, he was usually too absorbed in other thoughts to notice. 'I have seen the person that he probably was before he became President - basically a normal person,' she says.
 
Not all Clinton's globetrotting, not every burst of rhetoric, is motivated by political crusading and living in the moment. Quite the reverse - much of it has been a brazen commercial operation, as Clinton hit the lecture and after-dinner speaking circuit like a rock star possessed. This is what the former editor of the New Republic, Andrew Sullivan calls the 'hugely busy, strangely empty life he now leads'. This is the Clinton who dislikes - even fears - silence or solitude, and has to keep moving to stay upright, like a cyclist.
 
When Ronald Reagan and George Bush Sr made similar tours, the luxury hotels in which they spoke were sealed from the public. Clinton, by contrast, revelled in his greeting by a saxophone band in Germany playing Presley's 'Don't Be Cruel'. In Copenhagen, he attracted large crowds by taking a jaunt in search of a good coffee shop. Clinton's affable global walkabout only adds to his commodity value. His engagements (along with those of Henry Kissinger) are booked by the Harry Walker Agency, whose president, Don Walker, says: 'Clinton is the most sought-after speaker ever on the lecture circuit.' Although his spokeswoman, Julia Payne, insists that most of his engements are unpaid, Clinton knows his words can be exchanged for cash (he has refused more than 2,000 interview requests since leaving office). He became known as 'Dollar Bill' for the fees he charged - starting at $100,000 at home and more overseas. He told the Norwegians that fatherhood was the most important part of his life, and how he had helped Chelsea, who starts at Oxford next week, with her maths homework until the sums became too hard for him. Next day he went to Stockholm and said much the same thing, then to Vienna, then Warsaw - where someone threw an egg at him.
 
In Britain, Clinton hit fundraising overdrive, with the poor Fabian Society cancelled after being faced, and beaten, by the invoice. Celebrities, actors, authors, computer executives, editors and public figures with fatter wallets than the Fabians forked out vast sums to drink Bollinger at tables near Clinton and line up to shake his hand in Dublin, Oxford and Hay-on-Wye.
 
But quite apart from Clinton's political mission and his addiction to public life and popular adulation, there is a time- honoured reason for this frantic touring: debt. Clinton may have won the propaganda battle over prosecutor Kenneth Starr's prying investigation and failed impeachment, but the legacy of that struggle is that the Clintons still owe nearly $4 million (out of more than $15m) in legal fees. In addition, there are weighty mortgages on the multimillion-dollar homes in New York and Washington.
 
Private fundraising, a pension of $166,000 and other allowances bringing the annual pay packet to $992,000 should help. But most of all - and most eagerly awaited of all - is 'The Book' for which Clinton signed an all-time record contract of $10m with Knopf last month, beating Pope John Paul by $1.5m and his own wife Hillary by $2m.
 
'President Clinton,' said Knopf editor-in-chief Sonny Mehta who dealt out the advance, 'is one of the dominant figures on the global stage. He has lived an extraordinary life, and he has a great story to tell. His memoir, one of the most widely anticipated books in memory, will be a thorough and candid telling of his life.'
 
How candid? Roger Straus, Mehta's opposite number at Farrar, Straus & Giroux, wonders whether his rivals will earn back their investment in Dollar Bill, but adds: 'There is a book that Clinton could write that might sell. But anyone who knows Mr Clinton doesn't think he will write it.'
 
Maureen Dowd, veteran columnist for the New York Times, says that a copy of the proposal Clinton submitted to Knopf was 'leaked to me,'and offered a 'tantalising glimpse' of what he 'intends to divulge'. Dowd then reproduces a sneak preview from a chapter entitled: 'How a Man Gets What He Really Wants'. The fragment: 'We were an unlikely couple, I know. Our folie a deux in the crazy season of the budget impasse probably raised eyebrows. But sometimes people who seem to have very little in common can discover that they have a lot in common. Who cares that I was the President? I was also a man, and I had needs, and my guest had needs, and we could understand each other. Over a pepperoni and cheese extra-thick crust, we could unwind and relate to each other's inner child, sharing the journey from pudgy kid in a problem home to working to make the country a better place. So there we were, just a couple of misunderstood people with good hair and a gnawing desire for attention and love and respect. Of course, I knew I was being manipulative, but I wanted what I wanted. Seduction is my skill. It gives me pleasure to conquer people, to cause them to melt.'
 
Who is the mystery guest? 'Clinton [and his lawyer] were wise to omit to mention the name of the overemotional, overweight and melting object of Mr. Clinton's seduction,' says Dowd. No it was not an intern, it was his arch-enemy on Capitol Hill, the rightwing Republican leader and House Speaker, Newt Gingrich.
 
http://www.observer.co.uk/review/story/0,6903,548703,00.html
 

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